Tag Archive for: SEA 1000

Nuclear versus diesel-electric: the case for conventional submarines for the RAN

Arguing the case for nuclear-powered submarines, Tony Abbott laments that, under plans to acquire French-designed conventional submarines, the RAN will take delivery of a class that:

will have less power, less range, less speed and less capability … and that it will come into service about a decade later than would be optimal at a time when strategic circumstances are changing against us.

In response, Defence Minister Marise Payne reminded Mr Abbott that:

Australia currently lacks the qualified personnel, experience, infrastructure, training facilities and regulatory systems required to design, construct, operate and maintain a fleet of nuclear-powered submarines … Developing a sovereign nuclear-submarine fleet would come at a very substantial cost premium to our conventional fleet.

But there’s more to be said. Nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSN) are about force projection. They exercise sea control in support of surface strike groups, shadow ballistic missile submarines, and deny enemy battle groups access to zones of interest. So, setting Australia’s lack of industrial and operational capabilities aside, the debate needs to be whether an Australian government would seriously consider deploying SSNs against a regional superpower.

Securing sea lines of communication and the nation’s seaboard remains paramount in Australia’s national defence strategy. Diesel-electric submarines (SSK) excel in littoral or coastal waters, as is the case for the continent’s northern and northwestern approaches. And Australia’s strategic alliance interests are well served by providing the US Navy with an operational submarine capability it needs but doesn’t have. The US values RAN submarines for their littoral capabilities that form a natural extension to United States Navy (USN) nuclear submarine operations.

Both USN and Royal Navy submarines are powered by highly enriched weapons-grade nuclear material that doesn’t usually require replacing during a 30-year submarine lifecycle. The French Navy powers its submarines with high-density, low-enriched uranium that necessitates periodic refuelling.

While a typical peacetime deployment would be similar for nuclear and diesel-electric submarines (50 to 100 days), a nuclear-powered submarine would ordinarily only need to dock to take on provisions and weapons, or undertake repairs and maintenance, and for crew change.

In addition to long endurance, nuclear power provides an SSN with a sustained submerged speed of over 30 knots. That translates into far-reaching, covert mobility that outperforms surface units in any navy’s inventory. SSKs lack speed, but the size of an SSN limits effective deployments in the littorals and estuaries, and its size gives a larger echo strength, increasing the probability of detection.

Thus, there are operational missions for which SSNs are not suited. The 7,000+ tonne displacement of the USN’s Virginia-class and the RN’s Astute-class arguably makes them too long and too high from keel to periscope to operate effectively in shallow waters. While the French Barracuda-class is smaller, the boats are still not particularly suited to operations in littoral zones compared to smaller, low-signature SSKs.

Conversely, due to a lack of mobility, SSKs are not suited for support of fast-moving surface forces. A sustainable speed of under 10 knots renders an SSK vulnerable to detection while snorting to recharge its batteries.

The chief of the German Navy, Vice Admiral Andreas Krause, was correct when he once described non-nuclear submarines as ‘vehicles of position’. The former submarine commander explains that, despite advances in sonar technology, detecting and targeting submarines in confined and shallow waters, where variable salinity and thermal zones are present, remains extremely difficult. In those littoral waters conventional submarines are tasked with intelligence-gathering, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR). And they are charged with the protection of shipping lanes, choke points and harbours.

Conventional submarines, the admiral emphasises, are also suitable for precursor operations—i.e. to ‘prepare a battle space prior to major operations’. Their first task is ‘to survey the area, identify threats and explore and assess the environment’. While perfectly suited to an ISR role in littoral waters, once hostile operations commence the modern conventional submarine can readily become a lethal weapons platform, either as a hunter-killer or in support of a battle group.

Admiral Krause’s view is supported by DCNS’s (now Naval Group) Director of Submarine Design Division, Vincent Geiger, and by former submarine commander Benoît Le Masson. After decades of force projections on the high seas, the French experts claim that smaller and middle powers are now emphasising the protection of their maritime borders.

Operating a submarine at less than 2 knots only metres above an irregular seabed, or bottoming undetected for a prolonged period, are tasks best suited to an SSK. Notwithstanding the advances made in anechoic tiling and the benefits of ambient noise prevalent in shallow waters, the acoustic signature of an SSN’s nuclear reactor and its associated appurtenances will rarely be hidden.

The infrared signature of a nuclear power plant is detectable in nearly all sea states due to the thermal structure of wave patterns. Close to the ocean floor, the cooling-water intake on SSNs could be prone to collecting contaminants. In contrast, today’s conventional submarines are extremely quiet, with very low infrared and magnetic signatures. When powered by Li-ion batteries and AIP propulsion, those submarines can operate at patrol-quiet state or sit on the seabed for several weeks without surfacing.

Australia’s liquefied gas, iron ore and coal—the country’s major earners—are exported from ports and terminals on the northwest and east coasts of Australia. The current offshore oil and gas fields are in waters of less than 200 metres’ depth. Safeguarding those installations is paramount to the country’s economic security.

But Australia’s strategic interests also call for greater range and longer patrol endurance. That seems to have influenced the government to select a submarine similar in displacement to that of an SSN. But increased size compromises stealth, without the offsetting advantages of speed and endurance. The government’s choice of the Shortfin Barracuda Block 1A concept unites design and building risks, high program costs and an extended delivery schedule. And it’s a decision that promises few or no capability gains.

The case for nuclear-powered submarines

Keeping the country safe is the first duty of government and should be the constant concern of those with responsibility for our well-being.

But I worry that a decade or so hence, maybe sooner, Australia might face a security crisis in our region and find that governments of yesterday and today had left their successors with inadequate means to deal with it.

Government’s job is to plan for the worst as well as to work for the best. We will be judged by history as well as by our contemporaries and, at least where national defence is concerned, we have to think and prepare for the very long term indeed.

Defence capabilities can’t be summoned up overnight, as Australia discovered in 1942 when we had to send Wirraways against Zeros—before Spitfires and Mustangs could be brought into theatre.

That’s why it’s good that the Turnbull government is seeing through the process that my government put in train to select the next submarine for the Royal Australian Navy. After years of procrastination, we desperately needed a government that didn’t shirk decisions about what our navy needs to safeguard national security.

I fear, though, that the right outcome from the submarine competitive evaluation process was not to pick the best of the three bids but to reassess what we were asking for. As things stand, if all goes well, the first of the new subs will take seven years to design, seven years to build and perhaps two further years to bring into service.

If everything goes to plan (and it very rarely does in naval procurement) the absolute soonest we could get the first of our new subs is the early-2030s—to replace the Collins class subs that were originally supposed to start leaving service in the mid-2020s.

The Collins Class was designed in the 1980s, built in the 1990s, and then extensively modified and rebuilt in the noughties so that what was a very-good-sub-on-its-day could much more reliably take to sea.

As things stand, the Collins will need to be upgraded and modernised again while we plan for its replacement. The whole point of the next submarine acquisition was to avoid the problems of the Collins—to find the submarine that could be brought swiftly into service with the least possible modifications—but what we have done so far risks an exact repetition.

We’ve based our proposed sub on an existing design but one that will need to be so extensively reworked that it’s effectively a brand new submarine and our intention is to build it entirely in Australia.

Although surface ships can be cost-effectively produced here on a continuous build basis, the primary object of defence procurement has to be the most effective armed forces—not domestic job creation.

We don’t build our jet fighters here, for instance, (although we do build parts for them) so why insist on a local build especially if there’s a big cost penalty?

A unique Australian boat is precisely what we wanted to avoid; but it’s exactly what we now face because of our insistence on a submarine that as well as being large, and long-range, was also conventionally powered.

The competitive evaluation process conclusively showed that there’s no such thing currently in existence. All the submarines on which the bids were based are excellent for their countries’ needs—but none, it seems, for ours.

Instead of taking a small Swedish submarine designed for the Baltic and seeking to double its size and range to make it suitable for the Pacific—as with the Collins—this time we’re proposing to take a French nuclear submarine and completely redesign it to work with conventional propulsion.

The resulting sub will have less power, less range, less speed and less capability than the existing submarine on which it’s based and it will come into service about a decade later than would be optimal at a time when strategic circumstances are changing against us.

Hence the basic question: why should we spend years designing a sub that’s inferior to one we could potentially have now?

It’s worth noting that Australia has not made a formal decision against acquiring nuclear-powered submarines; so much as studiously avoided even asking the question. But now that the competitive evaluation process has established that there’s no conventional submarine to be had any time soon, this is a debate we should no longer avoid, especially as the strategic balance is shifting even faster now than last year’s defence white paper anticipated.

I’m not saying that we must go nuclear but surely we should at least consider the option before the opportunity is lost for another several decades.

The French-based design is hardly begun, let alone finalised. No contract to build has been signed and won’t be for years. This is because it’s a completely new sub—inspired by, rather based on the existing nuclear model—that needs to be designed from scratch rather than simply modified to take a different engine.

So there is still a chance for further thought on this; there may even be a duty to consider Plan B should the design process be further delayed or should regional tensions show little sign of abating.

Our region is building more and bigger submarines. Indonesia has two with three more coming. Singapore has four with four more coming. Vietnam has six and Korea has 14. Japan has 19 advanced conventional subs. India has two ballistic missile subs, one nuclear powered attack sub, and 13 conventional subs with six more coming.

The Russian Pacific Fleet reportedly has five ballistic missile subs, 10 nuclear powered attack subs and eight conventional subs. Then there’s China with four ballistic missile subs, five nuclear powered attack subs and over 50 conventional subs with more and more coming all the time.

In other words, the regional submarine competition is vastly more challenging than it was when we last made a decision to go with a conventionally-powered submarine back in the 1980s.

Within the defence community, it’s sometimes said that our conventional subs complement the US’ capabilities because their ability to switch off their diesels and run on battery alone allows them to carry out closer undetected surveillance.

This is an important niche role but not a submarine’s main one: to inflict massive damage on an enemy’s ability to wage war. I stress: I do not want to interrupt the process of acquiring new submarines given that it had languished for so long.

The design process with DCNS should continue and so should the build if that remains our fully considered assessment of what’s best. But parallel with that, we should rethink what we want our subs to do, and what they might be up against in a changing threat environment, and explore nuclear powered options while our committed costs are only in the hundreds of millions.

In an increasingly uncertain and competitive strategic environment, can we afford to lack a more robust, sovereign (or semi-sovereign) capacity to deter and resist a sophisticated adversary; and it might be very hard to do that without subs that can range far and fast throughout our region.

Conventional subs need to surface frequently to recharge their batteries, need to refuel every 70 days, and can only briefly maintain a top speed of about 20 knots. Nuclear powered submarines, on the other hand, can stay submerged as long as the crew can endure, never have to refuel, and can travel at nearly 40 knots.

In the Abbott government’s discussions about getting the best possible submarine for Australia as quickly as possible, we more or less assumed that our (currently limited) nuclear engineering capacity precluded that option.

Creating a nuclear industry to service subs here would take a decade, perhaps more, yet might turn out to be a lesser challenge than designing and building a new class of submarine almost from scratch.

Within the 15-plus years that it’s currently planned to take to get even the first of our new conventional subs into service, we could develop a nuclear servicing capability—and if we were to buy or lease a US submarine it could initially be supported at the American bases in Guam and Hawaii.

In the 1960s, we relatively swiftly developed a civilian nuclear capacity, mainly for medicine, centred on the Lucas Heights facility in Sydney; so it can be done if the will is there.

Not more robustly challenging the nuclear no-go mindset is probably the biggest regret I have from my time as PM.

The first question would be whether the US could provide us with their nuclear powered subs. The US already provides Australia with its most advanced aircraft and tanks and its most sophisticated submarine torpedo weapons system.

The US has previously provided Britain with its most sensitive nuclear submarine technology.

There are said to be safety concerns about a country newly operating nuclear powered subs, but these could be allayed by seconding personnel from more experienced navies.

And a much more capable Australian submarine fleet—strong enough to be a game changer in any regional maritime conflict—would certainly help to address US concerns about countries ‘free-riding’ on the alliance.

We have nothing to lose from starting a discussion on this issue with our allies and friends—Britain and France—as well as primarily with the US.

Delivering the best—DCNS responds to its critics

Image courtesy of Pixabay user moritz320.

Both Hans Ohff and Hugh White have expressed reservations about Australia’s future submarine and the ability of Australian industry to deliver the project in a timely manner, but they don’t have detailed knowledge of the program.

DCNS agrees with only two of their claims: that the future submarine (Shortfin Barracuda Block 1A) will be a class with no equals, and that DCNS has a proven track record of naval design and construction. The authors’ other claims are wide of the mark. On the charge that a fleet of smaller submarines would be preferable, DCNS considered it more appropriate to propose a submarine based on the nuclear Barracuda design, the larger submarine being built for the French Navy, than to offer one based on the smaller Scorpene class.

The submarine’s design is directly related to the tasks Australia needs the vessel to perform and the larger design was better suited to the Royal Australian Navy’s stealth, warm water and endurance requirements. These elements were rigorously examined in the Competitive Evaluation Process.

Australia’s future submarine shares many of the attributes of the French Barracuda in that it will be designed to operate globally and it will share a similar hull form and many internal systems. Though there is an element of risk in any cutting edge submarine program, this can be offset by lessons learned from the French program.

DCNS’ track record is also relevant. The company has successfully executed a program of technology transfer to build submarines in partnership with such countries as Malaysia, Brazil and India, including retraining and upskilling the workforces in those countries.

Australia will join the list of countries France has successfully worked with and this nation has already shown it can build world class diesel electric submarines through construction of the Collins class.

DCNS is putting a great deal of effort into maturing the design along with program industrialization, a comprehensive build strategy and the infrastructure going in to Adelaide. By October this year we expect to have 50 Australian and 20 French staff working from Adelaide in the initial phase of the program, focused on such areas as management, engineering, technology transfer, procurement and supply chain development. Work will continue over the next 12 months on the design contract with the Commonwealth and with Lockheed Martin over combat system design and integration.

DCNS has set a number of goals to ensure the business shapes up to undertaking the build from 2021. By then we should have a new shipyard at Adelaide’s Techport including equipment test and hull construction facilities. There will be a land based centre to test major equipment including the submarine’s propulsion system. The production workforce will be assembling and the supervisors will be commencing on the job training. Construction of the first submarine is intended to begin in the early 2020s, further driving jobs and investment across Australia, with the first of class to be delivered to the Navy from the late 2020s.

Efforts to engage Australian industry in the project are also bearing fruit. We have been busying ourselves talking to hundreds of potential suppliers, so far issuing more than 700 requests for information to more than 200 companies.

Maximising Australian industry involvement grows out of an obligation to provide, build, operate and sustain the submarine fleet in association with industry and academic and technical bodies. Following the signing of the Design and Mobilisation Contract, DCNS is developing a detailed Australian Industry Capability Plan. A Transfer of Technology Strategy will be developed as part of the plan.

Throughout the design, construction and maintenance process, DCNS envisages an ambitious approach to the transfer of technology and in forming partnerships with government, industry and academia with the goal of enabling the submarine fleet to be largely maintained and supported in Australia. We are staging supplier industry days around the country. The last of these, in Melbourne, attracting more than 300 attendees from industry and educational institutions and one in Adelaide last year attracted 450.

These figures underscore the fact that though submarine construction is centred on South Australia, this is very much a national program and its success depends on engaging the most qualified suppliers from around the nation. Industry briefings to engage suppliers will follow in Brisbane on 11 May and in Perth, Darwin and regional centres.

Ohff’s characterization of the capabilities to be employed on the future submarines assumes capabilities stand still and are not incorporated as they become available. The program is designed to ensure that technology improvements are incorporated in each new vessel with the final submarine expected to be a considerable advance on the technologies in the first of class. Battery technology is one area where this is self-evident.

DCNS, with the Commonwealth and partner Lockheed Martin, is getting on with the job of implementing the program. It is intent on delivering on the commitment made to the Competitive Evaluation Process to deliver a regionally superior submarine which maintains Australia’s capability edge for decades to come.

Submarines and strategy

It’s hard to be confident that the project to replace the Collins-class submarines is in good shape. There is no reason to doubt that France makes very good submarines but there are many reasons to worry. Some relate to the acquisition strategy, which allows the French to design the boat and decide its price free of competition. Some relate to central features of the boat, like its propulsion system. But the most important relate to even more basic questions about the kind of boat we are trying to buy.

That choice makes the project very costly, very risky and so slow that we won’t get any new boats until the 2030s. We need to be sure that those costs, risks and delays are justified by strategic and operational benefits. Revisiting the basic design would cost time and money, but it might be much quicker, safer and cheaper than building the wrong boat.

It’s not hard to identify what’s driving the project’s cost, risk and schedule. At 5000 tonnes, the boat is very big. No one has ever built a conventional submarine like this. A smaller submarine would be cheaper, less risky and much quicker to design and build.

We’re aiming so big for two reasons: range and roles. We’re after a boat that can operate for a long time far from home and we want it to do many things when it gets there, including intelligence collection, land strike missions, special forces support, and to operate autonomous underwater vehicles, as well as traditional anti-surface and ASW operations.

Longer range and diverse capabilities are good, but those benefits have to be set against their costs and risks. Prudent capability development means trading off what we’d like against what we can afford, what has a reasonable chance of actually working in service and of being available when we need it. Minimising cost and risk is always important, but it’s critical here because submarines are so central to Australia’s defence and because our strategic risks are rising sharply.

That makes the trade-off between pursuing the ideal boat and delivering an adequate capability even more acute. The more we pursue the ideal, the higher the project’s cost and risk, the fewer boats we will be able to afford, the later the boats will be in service, and the higher the chances of ending up without a workable submarine when we need it.

Is it better to have a large fleet of reliable and reasonably capable submarines soon, or a small fleet of perfect ones later, if we can ever get them to work?

That depends on two key judgments about our strategic circumstances and operational objectives in a major war—which is the only kind that matters as far as submarines are concerned.

The first concerns the priority we give to independent versus coalition operations. The more confident we are that Australia will only fight a major war in coalition with America, the more sense it makes to invest in a big, risky boat, for two reasons.

Coalition operations are more likely to take place further from our shores, so the extra range and endurance of a big boat is more important. And the more confident we are of US support, the less we need to worry if the submarine is late, or doesn’t work at all—because ultimately we think our security is guaranteed by America.

Conversely, the more weight we give to the possibility that we might face a major threat without US support, the less we should give priority to distant operations, and the more weight we should give to getting a reliable new submarine quickly. (And the more weight we should give to increasing the number of boats, which argues for a cheaper boat).This draws us into the much bigger question of whether it would ever be realistic for Australia to defend itself against a major-power without US support. Those who casually assume that’s impossible have to explain what they think we should do if US support is unavailable–which is far less unthinkable today than many assumed it to be a few months ago.

I think we could, alone or with regional allies, raise the costs and risk to an adversary of projecting power across our immediate approaches and those of our closest neighbours to the point where even a major power might be deterred. Submarines would be critical for that.

The higher priority we give to being able to strike our adversary’s homeland the more sense it makes to build submarines that can launch land-attack missiles and special-forces. The more we focus on being able to prevent an adversary attacking us by sea, the more sense it makes to use our submarines on anti-ship operations.

There are big advantages in conducting such operations as far away as possible–in the archipelago to our north and beyond. But that doesn’t mean we need a 5,000 tonne boat. With less space for missiles and special forces we’d get the same range and endurance from a smaller, cheaper, simpler boat. And (as I’ll discuss in a later post) we might well get more submarine presence further from our shores with a bigger fleet of smaller boats than with a smaller fleet of big ones.

We need to look again at the kind of boat we’re buying, with a serious examination of our strategic circumstances and operational priorities, to see whether something smaller, cheaper and simpler, with less risk and available sooner that the Shortfin Barracuda, might be a better bet.

Nuclear propulsion for Australia’s submarines?

Image courtesy of Flickr user Frits Ahlefeldt FA-L.com.

There have been a number of well-argued suggestions that Australia should introduce nuclear powered submarines (SSN) and, more recently, an emotive argument that a conventional submarine is not up to the task required by Australia’s strategic circumstances, and that we could have SSN for less than the cost of the current program.

Nuclear propulsion removes the need to expose the submarine by snorting to recharge batteries and confers much greater mobility—an SSN can travel at high speed for prolonged periods enabling it to be more effective in a sea denial role (i.e. guarding the approaches to Australia). Food, stores and the effectiveness of the crew become the practical limit on endurance.

Australia obtains maximum benefit and deterrence by exploiting a submarine’s stealth to gain access to sensitive areas, where we don’t control the sea surface or air above it, for intelligence gathering or striking key targets afloat or ashore. These areas are a long way from Australia, necessitating long transits and will be increasingly heavily protected.

The benefits of nuclear propulsion combined with our requirements could indeed justify a move to an SSN fleet.

I will focus on the manpower issues—this is not to belittle the other important factors, but manning the capability is the first priority.

Australia would require the ability to ensure and oversee the safe operation of such a force. I do not believe that the Australian public would accept the notion of delegating this to another nation under a leasing agreement.

The SSN skillsets ashore and afloat are significantly more demanding than a conventional submarine. For example: each SSN carries two command qualified officers and five marine engineering officers—compared to a conventional submarine’s one of each!

The regimes of technical supervision, training and independent auditing of nuclear procedures is significantly more demanding, with very experienced personnel required to comply with best practices. The training and development of these individuals takes a long time, for example nuclear engineers/technicians may take 15 years following qualification to reach the necessary levels of experience to oversee the safe operation of the capability.

Having modeled the career paths necessary to achieve these experience levels I believe ten SSN is the minimum to sustain the critical mass of manpower. A smaller force will not generate the number of experienced personnel to safely supervise its operation.

As a rule of thumb the size of the Submarine Arm is driven by the number of qualified crew at sea, for every person at sea the Arm should contain another 1.6 – 1.8 people. So the crew size of the chosen SSN is a key determinant. For a fleet of ten of the larger British or American SSNs, an Australian submarine arm of about 3,400 would be required. The smaller French SSN would require half this number.

Australia currently has a submarine arm of about 600—there’s no credible way to grow the additional qualified manpower while overcoming the technical challenges of a transition to nuclear propulsion in time to replace the Collins class.

The Collins class has a finite life and if we embark on an under-resourced transition we stand the risk of having no operational submarine capability in the 2030s and 2040s.

The lower risk starting point is to build up to 9 conventional submarines, which would require about 1,500 in the submarine arm, bulked up with additional marine engineering officers and technicians to provide the manpower base to undertake the transition to SSN.

Modern conventional submarines, with air independent propulsion, carrying similar combat system and weapons can prevail against an SSN—the key factor is training and crew preparation.

The manpower lead-time of 15 years for nuclear propulsion would require us to start now on the process to train/recruit the nuclear expertise and plan for the transition to facilitate a final decision in 2030.

At that point the lead-time injected by the technical and logistic issues would entail a further 15 years before commissioning Australia’s first SSN, about 2046, in lieu of our tenth new conventional.

Cost will also be a significant consideration. The cost of developing the infrastructure, sustaining the qualified manpower and paying the original IP owner for his investment will be nothing like the figure quoted to US Congress for an additional SSN. This cost is for construction alone; logistic, IP and overhead charges are supported out of the US Navy’s wider R&D, training and logistic budgets. It is too soon to put a figure on an Australian SSN capability. Noting the cost of establishing the specialised logistic, training and education infrastructure, my instinct would be 4-6 times the cost of a conventional force of the same size.

There’s a sound argument for seriously considering transitioning to nuclear propulsion. But we’ll need many more people and it’ll take years to grow the pool. We’d have to start with a larger conventional fleet first. Given the long manpower lead-time, the Government should direct national preparations now to gather the details necessary for a well informed decision on nuclear propulsion by 2030, with an eye on a possible in-service date of 2046. And we should anticipate paying significantly more than our current conventional submarine capability costs.

The deterrent value of submarines

Image courtesy of Flickr user Michael Coghlan.

I spoke on the subject of the deterrent value of submarines at the Submarine Institute of Australia annual conference yesterday. I was preaching to the choir with that crowd, but I’m often asked at public events why we’re planning on spending so much on submarines.

The full text of my talk is here but I had three main messages:

  1. Our planned submarine capability is sufficient to have a strong deterrent effect on other middle powers.
  2. Deterring a determined nuclear weapon power requires a nuclear weapon capability because a conventional response can only get you so far. If we think we need to deter China, we need the US around.
  3. If we’re serious about having a deterrent submarine force, we need to bring the timetable for construction and delivery of the future boats forward.

The first shouldn’t be controversial. Deterrence is the art of being able to credibly threaten a would-be adversary with more pain than gain. And one of the best ways to do that is with a weapon which is effective and hard to counter. A submarine’s stealth allows it to do just that, including threatening an adversary, even close to their own bases. A capable submarine arm could go a long way to preventing a near-peer from being able to make effective use of the ocean—which in turn should make them think twice about starting something.

Economic trends suggest that our region will continue to grow faster than we will. Regional military modernisation will erode our current capability and/or capacity advantages, and we won’t be able to count on winning a symmetric conflict. So we need to think about what we’d need in the way of asymmetric capabilities in order to be able to take it up to a capable near-peer adversary.

A skeptic might reasonably ask who that adversary could be, and I’ll admit that there’s no obvious contemporary threat. But, if for no other reason than geography, we’ll always have to watch developments to our immediate north. Australia and Indonesia nearly came to blows in the 1960s, and there were heightened tensions over East Timor in the 1970s and again in 1999. Indonesia is now in a happier place than defence planners could have credited 15 years ago, and it would take supreme incompetence on the part of both parties for us to come to blows again. But Defence planners have to be glass half empty types. Political trends aren’t always benign, and future developments could take us back to a place where our interests come into conflict.

Major powers present a very different calculus. And we’re really talking about China. I suppose we can’t entirely rule out a problem with Russia, but even they would have to push China aside further north to credibly threaten Australia’s direct interests. There’s no doubt that the rise of China presents Australia with its most serious strategic challenge for the first half of this century. Australia’s intelligence agencies reached the same conclusion, as reflected in successive defence white papers.

A credible deterrent to Chinese power must include enough conventional force to make the costs of conventional war unpalatable, and the backup of nuclear weapons to counter a nuclear threat. Having an ally in the region that has significant conventional and nuclear capabilities is the only affordable way for Australia to achieve that goal. Recent defence white papers reached the same conclusion: Australia’s best strategy is to encourage the US to strongly engage in the Asia–Pacific region, and the best way to do that is to be a more robust and capable ally.

A couple of forward deployed Australian submarines won’t deter a country that has a fleet of over 70 nuclear and conventional boats—and which hasn’t been deterred by the USN’s nuclear submarines (or by the threat of nuclear escalation). But by investing more in our own capability, we simultaneously add to total alliance power and take the argument about freeloading allies off the table in Washington. It’s notable that the incoming President has criticised Japan and South Korea as net takers of security, but has been much less inclined to criticise Australia.

I’ve convinced myself that more and better Australian submarines are a good idea. But there’s one aspect of our submarine plan that still vexes me: the timetable for delivery.

The 2016 White Paper says this:

‘…the growth of China’s national power, including its military modernisation, means China’s policies and actions will have a major impact on the stability of the Indo-Pacific to 2035.’

But the Navy will commission the first of Australia’s future submarines not long before that, and won’t have 12 until 15 years later.

Let’s get serious. A larger fleet of more capable submarines allows us to retire strategic risk. They’d provide us with a potent deterrent against middle powers. They’d help us be a capable and credible ally to the US, and thus lower the costs to the US of remaining deeply engaged in our region. But the major power balance in our region could change dramatically in the next 20 years. The dust could be settling just in time for our new boats to start arriving. The reason we’re being so lackadaisical about it isn’t strategic logic—it’s the politics of local builds. As Mark Thomson pointed out yesterday, industry policy is holding Australia’s strategic policy captive.

SEA 1000: why the French won

Image courtesy of Flickr user Nathan Hughes Hamilton

After all of the fanfare and chest beating on 26 April about how 12 submarines will be built in Adelaide: silence. By all appearances—or rather the lack of them—it seems that the Department of Defence is in no rush and little, if any, activity on Australia’s largest naval shipbuilding project is expected until well after the Federal election. Contract negotiations for the detailed design phase haven’t been scheduled and are unlikely to begin for some months.

In the meantime, Defence says that they and presumptive designer, DCNS of France, are building up their Australian workforces, with a strong emphasis on science and technology.

The selection of DCNS hasn’t been without controversy, at least as far as the competition is concerned. TKMS of Germany has been anonymously quoted in the media expressing their displeasure at the decision, feeling that the Competitive Evaluation Process was rigged from the start as part of a plot to move to a nuclear powered submarine. The Japanese have been more restrained, at least publicly, but undoubtedly there are hurt feelings in Tokyo following strong encouragement in 2013 by former Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, to engage with Australia on the future submarine, only then to be shunned.

There are several reasons why DCNS has been selected, but the overarching theme appears to be access to advanced submarine technology. It’s necessary to remember that the CEP was more about selecting a long-term design partner able to help Australia develop sovereign capability than it was about a particular product. The combination of the expertise in DCNS itself, coupled with the French Navy, the highly influential and well-resourced Direction générale de l’armement (DGA), and the military research community is a formidable pool of talent.

One particular area where the French have a technology advantage over the German and Japanese designers is their familiarity with issues around propelling large submarines, having built SSBNs up to 14,000 tonnes displacement. Pushing the future 4,500 tonne Australian submarine through the water quietly at all speeds won’t be easy. While the Germans and Japanese continue to rely on conventional propellers, for their nuclear submarines, France—together with the US and Britain—has moved to pump jet or propulsor technology.

Without getting too bogged down in the technical pros and cons of each, at higher speeds propellers are prone to cavitation—basically water boiling at the edges of the blades due to the enormous pressure being generated—which in turn makes a distinctive noise that enemy sonars are able to detect. While conventional submarines spend most of their time on station at slow speeds—where the acoustic performance of propellers and propulsors is similar—when they do need high speed it’s typically at a moment of crisis. To be able to accelerate to maximum speed silently, while simultaneously turning and changing depth, is a great advantage for a big submarine if it is trying to escape in a hostile environment.

Because of the limitations of propeller technology for large submarines, we can likely conclude that the approach of DCNS in utilising their access to the most sensitive nuclear submarine technologies gave them a distinct advantage. Put simply, while Germany and Japan are excellent builders of conventional submarines, France is a first class builder of conventional and nuclear boats.

Several commentators, including Peter Jennings, have raised the possibility of Australia eventually moving to nuclear powered submarines and a consensus is slowly emerging that at the very least this possibility needs to be open to discussion. If that does come to pass, having DCNS as part of the team will make an eventual transition relatively easy.

There are a number of other factors that probably contributed to France’s win. While Germany and Japan are planning to move to lithium ion batteries in their conventional submarines, France is leery of doing so. This suspicion of lithium ion storage is shared by the USN and could have had an influence on the decision. Major French companies such as Thales and Sagem are already on the Collins, supplying a number of critical hi-tech items such as the entire sonar suite and the ring laser inertial navigation systems. Those companies have met or exceeded all of their targets for industry development, technology transfer and, in the case of Thales, re-export of sonar technology to France and Britain.

Finally, the French marketed well and positioned themselves to work as cooperatively as possible with the RAN to meet all of their requirements. The conservative approach to pricing the bid adopted by DCNS worked to their ultimate advantage because, as the Collins program has shown, there are a large number of developmental hurdles to be overcome—and that won’t be cheap.

Australia’s future submarine: getting the facts right


In the extensive discussion about the decision on the future submarine project a key point has been missed. The government intends to sign what is merely a three year design contract with the French company DCNS. The government (and the contractor) then have the option to contract for the build, or start the process over again, or follow another track.

While a French build is probable, the eventual decision, the real one, could be affected by factors ranging from another global financial crisis (making the subs unaffordable), to a new Defence White Paper being prepared that outlines a more rational role for Australian submarines rendering the current specifications redundant.

The specification that has driven the SEA 1000 CEP is the 12,000 nautical mile range. Meeting this requirement has made the submarines too big for their important tasks in our region. These include the dispatch of special forces, surveillance, the monitoring of choke points, and interdiction, often in relatively shallow waters. The Collins, at around 3,400 tonnes displacement when submerged was considered big for these tasks. A 5,000 tonne vessel is ridiculous. The Navy has been enabled to go down its usual path of ‘the bigger the better’ because the Government has not provided a clear guide to the future role of the submarines.

So the assessment team appear to have made the right choice against the specs they were given. They have chosen what may well be an excellent small nuclear submarine but ours will come with non-nuclear propulsion.

Many questions remain to be resolved in the design phase though some issues will take longer. Most importantly the French propulsion system is designed to feed off a nuclear reactor. Whether it can produce the claimed efficiency and quietness in the new conventional format can’t be known until sea trials in the 2030s.

If the central underlying principle of the 2016 Defence White Paper is that we can best defend Australia as part of the US-led coalition force structure then we should just buy the French submarines with nuclear propulsion off the shelf. If we are to take a more self-reliant stance then simply upgrading the Collins-class is the best and by far the cheapest option.

The Collins is apparently now performing extremely well. It has many years of hull life left. Equipped with a more economical and quieter drive train, sonars, and whatever else offers significant improvements to the fleet, a major life extension could be achieved for something like 20% of the cost of new submarines.

Some variant of this process is likely to be required anyway, as the new submarines aren’t expected to be delivered until the early 2030s. Through a total makeover rather than a further partial upgrade the requirement for new subs could be postponed at least a decade, allowing rapidly evolving battery technology to mature, alongside the development of a more considered Australian strategic policy taking account of new global realities. It would also save tens of billions for the Commonwealth budget.

Perhaps after this coming election the government will admit that nothing much is going to happen in Adelaide until after the following election, as it will take that long for the design to be produced and evaluated. They should also admit that the steel for the subs will likely be imported—unless they’re prepared to pay a vast sum of money for a one-off purchase. And they may admit the total value to Australian industry of the build program will more likely be about 35% of the contract price rather than 75%, since the value will come mainly from assembly as nearly every nut and bolt will be imported.

Perhaps we’ll also be given an explanation of why we need twelve submarines. If there’s a valid strategic reason, and the Collins upgrade was chosen as the best current option, more of an evolved Collins class could be built in Adelaide at a fraction of the new submarine cost.

It’s even possible, after the election, that truths may be told about the capacity of Australian industry. We now have much less technical capability than when the Collins was built. We now build nothing for the oil and gas industry, and very little for the mining industry; we don’t manufacture any white goods, are about to stop making cars, fabricate much less steel, and are shutting oil refineries rather than building them.

In the lead-up to the Collins purchase it was argued that an Australian build would up-skill Australian industry enabling firms here to win future non-defence work. That didn’t happen as other regional economies developed rapidly and could always win on price and eventually on quality. There’s now virtually no prospect of submarine work developing skills in Australia that will provide long-term benefits other than in submarine maintenance.

It’s fortunate that the real decision on the new submarines won’t have to be made until after the 2019 election. Hopefully by then we will have a much better understanding of the technologies available to us, clearer strategic guidance, and a government prepared to take Defence, and defence spending, seriously. We may even have come to a more rational understanding of the limits of Australia’s industrial capacity.

Why the Japanese proposal is low risk (part 2)

Image courtesy of Wikimedia

Editor’s note: The Strategist has invited all three SEA 1000 contenders to explain their approach to meeting Australia’s future submarine requirement.

The first post in this two-part series explored several key questions pertaining to Japan’s ability to meet Australia’s future submarine needs. Those questions concerned cruising range, internal narrowness and operational lifespan. This second post will further explain the truth about the capability of the Soryu-class and the reasons why the Japanese proposal is low risk.

Is Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) necessary?

A concern has been expressed that since modern submarines are required to spend long periods of time submerged and to secretly evacuate to safer waters, AIP capability is indispensable. Yet it isn’t included in the Japanese proposal.

As a result of incorporating lithium-ion batteries into our submarines that surpass the capabilities of AIP, Japan doesn’t believe that AIP is an indispensable capability for modern submarines.

Japan has experience operating seven submarines installed with AIP systems. But after considering the evolution in lithium-ion battery technology—higher energy density, greater safety, faster recharging times—Japan decided not to install AIP systems on submarines that will be built from 2015 onwards. The new Soryu-class submarine will use lithium-ion batteries instead of AIP as that technology has led to improvements in submerged endurance and speed capabilities, thereby allowing operators to continuously traverse waters using a wider range of possible speed options that simply aren’t available to AIP.

We believe that this new Japanese technology will provide a capability that exceeds that of AIP.

Are lithium-ion batteries reliable?

There’s a concern that lithium-ion battery technology isn’t yet sufficiently developed to use in submarines.

As above, Japan made a decision to install lithium-ion batteries on any submarines to be built from 2015 onwards. Prior to their installation in submarines, our battery technologies have gone through a vigorous and complete verification testing. They’ve been thoroughly evaluated in over 20 different types of tests and no issue has been found concerning their reliability. Those tests include short-circuit tests, shock-resistance tests, drop tests, overcharging/over-discharging tests, seawater soaking tests and heat tests. The results clearly demonstrate that reliability isn’t an issue. With this assurance, we finally decided to install lithium-ion batteries in our own new submarines.

What does submarine cooperation mean for the ‘special strategic partnership’?

An argument has recently emerged in Australia suggesting that deepening defence and security cooperation with Japan would narrow Australia’s strategic flexibility and pose a strategic risk to Australia. But is a point of view that regards Japan as a source of strategic risk for Australia correct? Japan and Australia share the values of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, open markets and free trade, and we have a ‘special strategic partnership’ based on our mutual strategic interests.

Australia, along with a large number of other nations, has welcomed the more pro-active contribution Japan will make to the peace, stability and prosperity of both the region and the world in line with Japan’s ‘Positive Contribution to Peace’ based on the principle of international co-operation. It’s in that context that one should regard the deepening of security and defence co-operation between Japan and Australia.

As has been the case for many years now, Japan and Australia have been deepening security and defence cooperation based on our past 2+2 discussions and agreements. The Australian government’s 2016 Defence White Paper also endorsed the strengthening of security and defence cooperation between Japan and Australia. Our participation in the CEP for the future submarine program is just one part of a much wider and more diverse story. If we were to follow the logic of the argument, which is based on opposition to Japan and Australia deepening our defence and security cooperation, we simply are left asking ‘why?’

Furthermore, Japan regards Australia as a trusted partner which is why it concluded a bilateral agreement concerning the transfer of defence equipment and technology. Under assurances given by Australia based on the agreement, necessary technology will be transferred from Japan to Australia in the event that Japan is chosen as a partner for the future submarine program. The technology transfer will ensure that Australia will be able to possess and exercise its own sovereign control over its submarines.

Why the Japanese proposal is low risk (part 1)

Image courtesy of Flickr user meganinu

Editor’s note: The Strategist has invited all three SEA 1000 contenders to explain their approach to meeting Australia’s future submarine requirement.

At the end of November last year, Japan submitted to the Australian government its proposal for Australia’s future submarine program.

The Japanese proposal is low risk and meets Australia’s needs. It’s a proposal based on our accumulated experience and the proven technologies of the Soryu-class submarine, which is the world’s largest conventionally powered submarine. Seven Soryus are already in use by the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force.

Several key questions have been posed about whether our proposal will be able to meet Australia’s future submarine needs.

The following two posts will seek to explain to the greatest extent possible the truth about the capability of the Soryu-class and the reasons why the Japanese proposal is low-risk.

Can Japan’s proposal meet Australia’s cruising range requirement?

There’s a concern, promulgated in some quarters, that the Soryu-class submarine won’t be able to match Australia’s requirements regarding cruising range. Such a concern is mistaken, for in Japan’s pre-concept design, every effort was made to ensure that Australia’s cruising range requirements would be met.

Given that cruising range can be determined by the quantity of fuel expended and fuel consumption efficiency, the Soryu-class submarine was the basis of a comprehensive study on an internal layout made in order to ensure effective use of space by extending the hull and re-designing partitions. That study led to the conclusion that by increasing the capacity of the fuel tank and working on its positioning, as well as extending the hull design, the pre-concept design will be able to meet Australia’s cruising range requirements without any problems.

Is the internal space of the Soryu-class submarine too narrow?

The size of the reserve buoyancy compared to submarines from other countries and the double hull structure has led to questions about whether the internal space of the submarine is overly narrow.

The estimated surfaced displacement of the Soryu-class submarine is approximately 3,600 tonnes, while its dived displacement is around 4,200 tonnes. So in relation to the reserve buoyancy of the Soryu-class submarine, there’s no reason to believe that it possesses an excessive amount of reserve buoyancy compared to submarines of other nations.

Moreover, although it’s true that one section of the Soryu-class submarine consists of a double hull structure, a highly space-efficient outfitting using 3D digital mock-up technology and design techniques that prevent reinforcement structures such as beams from restricting space have created a wide internal space while avoiding a growth in the size of the submarine itself. Furthermore, the extension of the hull has allowed a much wider internal space than in the Soryu-class submarine.

The internal space of the Soryu-class submarine has been shown to a large number of Australians familiar with the internal space of the Collins-class submarine. So far, there hasn’t been any comments which indicate that the internal space of the Soryu-class is too narrow.

Is the lifespan of Japanese submarines too short when compared to Australian boats?

Until recently, Japanese submarines were used for a period of 18 years before being retired. The operational lifespan of the submarines was determined by the National Defence Program Guideline (NDPG) taking into consideration factors such as not exceeding the pre-set number of submarines to be retained by Japan (originally 16), technical obsolescence, and the introduction of new submarines incorporating technical improvements.

Japan decided to increase its submarine fleet to 22 vessels based on the 2007 NDPG, so a decision was made to extend the service life of our submarines by six years.

It’s not true to say that Japanese submarines can’t endure for long periods of time. If the Royal Australian Navy desires to use the submarines over a long period of time, the same level of technological checks that we carry out on our own vessels now will enable such desires to be met.

Some have said that corrosion of the double hull structure is the source of the submarine’s shorter lifespan, but that’s simply not true. The construction of the Soryu-class submarine in sections allows for an appropriate level of anti-corrosive maintenance. Japan has never experienced any major fault’s which have interfered with the operation of its submarines.

These appropriate anti-corrosive technologies were developed to allow our submarines to operate in a range of environments, even in harsh warm waters conducive to corrosion. Japan believes that such technologies will guarantee the effectiveness of Australian submarines which will also operate in the same maritime environments.