Tag Archive for: RAN

Nuclear propulsion and the future of Australia’s submarine force

The Royal Australian Navy Collins Class Submarine HMAS Sheean at sunset during a routine transit and training exercise off Christmas Island. The record of the RAN’s Oberon- and Collins-class submarines shows that diesel-electric submarines can perform valuable long-range operations. However, Australia’s range and endurance requirements are much closer to the operating profiles of other nations’ nuclear-powered submarines (SSNs) than they are to those of any existing conventional boat. The case for acquiring an SSN will become even stronger as other regional navies—in particular, China but also India—begin to operate such boats more regularly in our region. So it’s unsurprising that suggestions for moving to a nuclear submarine keep popping up.  And unlike its 2009 and 2013 predecessors, the 2016 Defence White Paper doesn’t explicitly rule out nuclear propulsion from consideration.

The apparent good fit of a nuclear capability needs to be balanced against what’s feasible today, given Australia’s industrial, engineering and regulatory capacity, the cost of nuclear submarines and their supporting infrastructure, the availability of technology, and public attitudes about nuclear energy. After a lengthy struggle, Australia now has the elements needed to manage its fleet of conventional submarines in place, but little experience or capacity for providing the additional fundamental inputs to capability needed to support nuclear-powered submarines. The time to put these pieces in place for the Collins-class replacement has long passed.  The announcement of a continuous acquisition model for Australia’s submarines in the 2016 DWP, however, does raise the question of whether that program will always and forever be based on conventional propulsion.

In principle we could acquire nuclear reactors for submarines—the transfer of marine nuclear propulsion systems is allowed under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. But it’s not clear that even our closest allies would necessarily assist our efforts. We’d need to demonstrate a clear strategic rationale for such a step, backed with a long-term strategic and industry relationship. And we’d need to engender confidence that Australia was successfully developing the ability to operate and maintain nuclear-powered submarines to the highest standards of safety. No supplier would want to risk the reputation and domestic political support of its own domestic nuclear submarine capability through an accident caused by the Australian Navy. Naval engineering in RAN and Australia’s wider nuclear engineering expertise are today almost certainly far below the levels of capacity and sophistication that a supplier would expect before even considering a transfer of nuclear reactors.

Regular surveys and maintenance of every component of reactor machinery (some radioactive) are essential elements of the maintenance cycle of an SSN, requiring an expert nuclear-trained workforce. Even if major refits and refuelling of Australian nuclear-powered boats could be done offshore, routine maintenance would still place considerable demands upon local support facilities. The safe design, construction, operation and maintenance of SSNs therefore depend on extensive understanding and experience of the underpinning science and engineering. Operating naval reactors would require a significant expansion of Australia’s nuclear establishment writ large, including academia, industry, ANSTO, ARPANSA and the Navy itself.

Given time, there’s little reason why Australia couldn’t make nuclear propulsion a realistic option for future generations of its continuous submarine acquisition program. SSNs are more expensive to acquire and operate than conventional submarines, but a decision to acquire them would be only taken because the strategic environment demanded it.  Building the successor to the Collins-class should significantly strengthen Australia’s expertise, capacity and reputation in submarine technology. Bipartisan support for acquisition of SSNs would be needed, but the South Australian Royal Commission shows that the politics of nuclear industry more broadly are shifting. And the 2016 White Paper does mention a review of the ‘specifications’ of Australia’s submarine design in the late 2020s in light of developments in the strategic environment and technology.

However, to make the acquisition of SSNs a realistic option, Australia would need to enhance its cadre of experts and engineers well before such a decision is even seriously contemplated (both to ensure that we’re an intelligent buyer and to be seen as a competent possible operator). Today, we have a small national cadre of technicians in support of the sole Australian nuclear reactor at Lucas Heights, but that’s a far simpler design. It’s true that modern nuclear submarine technology is more ‘user friendly’ than it used to be. For example, some modern reactors will run for the lifetime of the submarine on their initial fuel, greatly simplifying a part of the maintenance cycle. But each of the three possible suppliers of propulsion reactors—France, Britain and the US—has taken different approaches to the reactor design, and we’d need to have the expertise to assess the advantages and disadvantages of each in Australia’s particular operating environment and industrial landscape.

Being able to consider SSNs in the late 2020s thus wouldn’t be a small step; it’d require Defence to start spending money to build up Australia’s cadre of nuclear engineers, to reach out to ANSTO and ARPANSA, and for government to make the case for considering SSNs to the Australian public. A first step could be a study to examine the broader implications of even studying nuclear propulsion for Australia and its nuclear establishment and workforce, including the necessary regulatory (and perhaps voluntary safeguards arrangements) that would need to be put in place. So there’s a cost to making an SSN a realistic option. But as Australia’s strategic environment continues to become more challenging, it might be money well spent to set up Australia’s underwater capability for the future.

Mission creep and SEA 1000

HMAS Oxley

The contrast between the replacement for the existing Collins class submarines and the F-111 strike fighter is instructive. Governments didn’t replace the F-111 with the similarly sized F15 fighter, let alone require a much bigger version to be designed. Other factors led to the choice of the smaller, shorter range F-35s and the F18 Super Hornets. The F15’s combat radius is 1,960 km: the F-35’s is 1,000 km and the Super Hornet’s 740 km.

Fighter planes can refuel, but so can subs. Even unrefuelled, Australia’s post-war subs have possessed a remarkably long range of 19,000 km compared to the chosen fighter jets. But there’s now a bipartisan consensus among politicians and commentators that Australia’s new subs must be bigger due to the distances they have to cover. Yet no government has ever given a substantive explanation for why Australia is embarking on the highly complex and expensive task of acquiring huge, conventionally powered submarines. Instead, all assert that Australia requires much bigger subs than the existing Collins class and the Oberons that served the nation well from 1960–2000.

The 2016 Defence White Paper’s $50 billion figure for building the new subs is already attracting adverse attention. Much less notice is paid to why we need such large submarines that will require extensive design changes to existing versions. Ignoring transparency, governments have ruled out acquiring medium-sized subs without a convincing explanation. Range isn’t an obstacle. Greece’s German-designed medium-sized subs have a stated range of 18,500 km. Later German versions can be configured to exceed the government’s requirement of a 19,000 km range.

Smaller subs have several notable advantages.

They’re much harder to find than big ones. That’s a significant consideration, as made clear by recently retired US navy chief Admiral Jonathan Greenert, who warned that rapid advances in sensors and data processing speeds make it easier to detect and destroy big subs and ships. Smaller subs can operate in the shallower waters to Australia’s north and are much cheaper to buy and run.

The consensus favouring big subs ignores how the Japanese, French and German contenders in the competitive evaluation process are all at least double size of the Oberon subs imported from the UK in the 1960s, without necessarily expanding on the reasons behind that preference. Japan’s big Soryu class subs now in service can’t go nearly as far as the Oberons did. The others aren’t as bad, but their extra weight still acts as a drag on range. As stated by a participant in the bidding process, ‘you can’t beat physics’.

The Oberons only displaced about 2,300 tonnes, but their unrefuelled range was around 19,000 km. With stops to top up fuel, fix minor maintenance problems and let the crew stretch their legs, they had no trouble going long distances to snoop around the naval base at Vladivostok. The subsequent Collins class’ submerged displacement is 3,400 tonnes. Its range is also around 19,000 km.

Although the government’s publicly stated requirement for the new subs is that their range and endurance must be similar to the Collins, defence officials have told the contenders they must offer larger subs. The Germans won’t release how much their contender will displace, after amending an earlier design for a 4,335 tonne Type 216 sub. The French candidate is 4,800 tonnes. The Japanese contender will probably have to be redesigned to over 5,000 tonnes to meet the specified range of 19,000 km.

The 4,200 tonne Soryu’s range is only 12,000 km. A bigger version will save weight by not including an Air Independent Propulsion system—even though the Japanese claimed as recently as 13 December in an ABC television interview that AIP was one of their subs’ great selling points. The ABC journalist wrongly stated the system was ‘unique’ to Japan’s subs.

Some observers argue AIP isn’t essential, despite allowing ultra-quiet operation in a target zone without needing to use the sub’s diesel engines to recharge batteries. Almost all operators of modern conventional subs, including Russia and China, now regard AIP as necessary to help subs survive when silence is crucial. The government’s decision not to require AIP is highly contentious. But it helped keep the Soryu in a competition the former Prime Minister Tony Abbott wanted it to win to gain a strategic one-up on China, even if his choice isn’t the best sub for Australia.

A reason for Soryu’s short range is that a large part of the space between its unusual double hull is reportedly filled with water. Associated maintenance difficulties may help explain why its service life is only 20 years, compared to 30 or 40 for other subs. The double hull also makes crew space exceptionally cramped.

The Japanese have never exported a sub, let alone built one overseas as Australia requires. Since 1960, the Germans have supplied 163 diesel-electric subs to 20 navies; 123 were exported or built overseas. Israel has an advanced 2,400 tonne German sub and Singapore is buying a 2,200 version. The French have built a large number of various sized nuclear and conventional subs since 1960 and exported 107 to nine navies.

Some analysts see less need for Australian subs to focus on the seas around China, as countries such as Japan, South Korea, and Vietnam now have more subs in the vicinity. In an ASPI paper, Benjamin Schreer advocated focusing Australia’s submarine fleet on the east Indian Ocean and maritime chokepoints in the Indonesian archipelago. He stated that ‘while this could mean fewer and smaller boats, they would still make critical contributions to Australia’s security and to allied operations’.

German and French medium-sized subs are ideally suited to operating in those waters and could still travel as far as Vladivostok. Smaller sub-surface drones could supplement them in a future where plans to purchase large, expensive and easily detectable subs make less and less sense.

SEA1000: the importance of dived endurance (part 1)

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There’s one number that every conventional submarine commanding officer calculates day and night: the percentage of the Main Storage Battery (MSB) that remains. Let me bring a submarine operator’s perspective to the points made recently by Andrew Davies and Geoff Slocombe.

Dived endurance, the ability to remain submerged without having to expose the submarine by recharging the battery, is a critical (I would say life or death) characteristic of submarines, particularly to meet Australia’s requirements to operate in areas where the sea and air space isn’t under our control. It improves tactical mobility, effectiveness, flexibility and survivability in both transit and patrol area operations.

A dived submarine requires energy to cover propulsion and the ‘hotel load’ (e.g. air purification, cooking, lights, cooling, combat system). At slow speed (below 5 knots) the hotel load predominates energy consumption, hence a great deal of design effort goes into reducing it.

The full-to-empty performance given for a lead acid MSB is misleading., The reality is that the charging rate must be reduced progressively as the MSB passes 80%—at this point the exposure by snorting simply doesn’t justify the slow gain in battery charge. Hence, the lead acid MSB will never be fully charged when the need arises; 70% is more realistic. Once the MSB charge drops to around 20%, conserving/re-charging it as soon as possible becomes the priority. So realistically the submarine will then have about 50% of its lead acid MSB capacity available for tactical use.

Compared to a lead acid MSB, a lithium-ion MSB offers a range of benefits, including:

  •         A useful endurance improvement at low discharge rates (ie low speeds), and a significant improvement, depending on the lithium battery chemistry used, at high discharge rates (high speeds);
  •         No hydrogen emissions;
  •         Higher charging rates throughout its range until almost full, providing a greater practical range, say 75%;
  •         Significant weight reduction for individual cells;
  •         Less battery maintenance; and,
  •         Significant advantages during a snort transit, where the battery will be successively charged and discharged at high rates.

This last point is particularly relevant for Australia. Long snort transits in or through tropical waters are a particular feature of Australia’s requirement, differentiating it from the environments in Europe or the North Pacific. Both types of MSB need to be cooled to avoid high battery temperatures—that’s a significant engineering issue in tropical waters. High temperatures quickly reduce the life of a lithium battery, and can cause explosions and thermal runaway, even after breaking the charge. That must be avoided by selection of the correct chemistry in the battery and its control arrangements; the design must eliminate the risk of such a catastrophic failure.

CEP designers, Australian industry specialists and the Defence Science & Technology Group are currently conducting R&D into lithium MSBs. Energy density in lithium batteries depends on the chemistry selected by the battery designer. There are many options and new ones are continually sought.

The lithium battery materials, battery design and control circuits must be chosen to avoid any chance of a thermal runaway leading to an uncontrollable fire. That particular problem achieved notoriety after fires in the Boeing 787 Dreamliner aircraft, the US Navy’s mini submarine, the Advanced Swimmer Delivery System vehicle, and some laptops, (recalls were issued most recently as February this year). Boeing, the US Navy and Sony are hardly novices in safety management, which serves to demonstrate the complexity of this issue.

We should proceed cautiously; experienced users continue to be taken by surprise by lithium battery failures/fires. Sensible risk management also requires designing in the ability to manage the low probability but catastrophic event of a fire in the submarine’s MSB—its main energy source!

It seems highly likely that lithium ion MSBs are the future for Australia’s next submarine fleet, but only once R&D has delivered a well-tested, safe design for submarine applications.

In a second piece, I’ll examine the possible role of Air Independent Propulsion in increasing dived endurance for Australia’s FSM.

DWP 2016: the future RAN

HMAS ANZAC approaches HMAS Stuart in preparation for a Light Jackstay during exercises in the Western Australian Exercise Area. *** Local Caption *** HMAS Stuart (FFH153) is the third ship to bear the same name in the Royal Australian Navy and is the sixth Anzac Class Frigate Helicopter (FFH) of MEKO 200 design to be built by Tenix Defence Systems at Williamstown. Stuart is a long-range escort capable of air defence, surface and undersea warfare, surveillance, reconnaissance and interdiction. The ship can counter simultaneous threats from aircraft, surface vessels and submarines.The 2016 Defence White Paper represents the most ambitious plan to regenerate Royal Australian Navy since World War II—at least according to the Turnbull government. The Navy will receive approximately $48.75 billion for defence capability projects over the next decade, allowing the force to conduct challenging warfare operations, meet future operational demands and undertake a range of tasks including patrols, anti-pirate operations, border security and hydrographic survey.

The next decade will be busy for RAN, as the force acquires and develops a range of key platforms. Navy will see:

  • The acquisition of 12 future submarines to replace 6 Collins-class submarines, for entry into service from the early 2030s. A rolling acquisition process to extend construction into the late 2040s to 2050, with a down select decision regarding bids from Japan, Germany and France expected in 2016
  • Continuous production of nine future frigates to replace Navy’s eight Anzac-class frigates, to begin in South Australia in 2020, after a competitive evaluation process, for delivery from the late 2020s
  • Three Hobart-class Air Warfare Destroyers (AWD) entered into service in the early 2020s. (To ensure the vessels keep pace with regional capabilities, continuous upgrades will be made throughout their service life.)
  • 12 new offshore patrol vessels to replace the current fleet of 13 Armidale-class patrol boats. Construction to begin in 2018, for entry into service from the early 2020s.
  • The progressive replacement of the current fleet of two large and four smaller ADF hydrographic survey vessels with a combination of military and commercial hydrographic and oceanographic survey capabilities from early 2020s
  • 24 new-build MH-60R Seahawk naval combat helicopters currently being accepted into service, to enhance Navy’s anti-ship and anti-submarine warfare operations

In order to meet the potential capability gaps over the coming decades, the DWP pledged upgrades for a number of RAN’s current platforms. The Collins-class submarine will receive upgraded communication and sensor capabilities during periodic refits. Navy’s fleet of Anzac-class frigates will continue to be upgraded (five of eight are now completed) with a suite of anti-shipping missile defences including weapons, combat systems, and sensors with the CEAFAR radar. The Canberra-class LHDs will receive further investment to enhance sensors, countermeasures and weapons. Four Huon-class Coastal Mine Hunters will have their life extended until the 2030s to allow time to develop and evaluate remotely operated mine countermeasures. Finally, Bay-class landing ship HMAS Choules will be upgraded in 2017, with improved command and communications equipment, fitting aviation support systems and a new self-defence system.

Approximately 800 additional ADF positions will be allocated over the next decade to support this growing maritime force. The DWP acknowledges this workforce will need to continue to increase beyond this point, in order to operate the larger fleet of submarines.

HMAS Stirling in Perth and Fleet Base East in Sydney will receive upgrades to training, wharf and support facilities over the period to 2026, while training areas, testing ranges and other defence bases, including defence recruitment facilities, will be upgraded to support RAN’s capabilities.

Towards a continuous naval shipbuilding strategy

The crew of HMAS Darwin during a 'Cheer Ship Ceremony', during the Indian International Fleet Review in Visakhapatnam, India. *** Local Caption *** During the 4th- 9th of February 2016, the Indian Navy hosted the International Fleet Review (IFR), a significant event for the nations maritime history. This is the eleventh Fleet Review but only the second international edition. The IFR serves to provide a platform for participating navies to interact with each other, strengthen bridges of friendship, towards developing a common appreciation of maritime challenges and the potential for addressing them through a united approach. The IFR included dignitries, ships and personnel from 51 different countries.

Our modern navy needs to be increasingly a national enterprise, bringing together the private and public sectors of the economy to deliver a fundamental national objective—security above, on and under the sea.

That means Navy isn’t just about our ships or our sailors. Our Navy, Australia’s Navy, is also about the national effort required to have a Navy, to maintain it and sustain it.

That national endeavour will ultimately manifest itself in a new industrial landscape for Australia. This endeavour underpins Navy’s approach to continuous shipbuilding.

Continual shipbuilding will draw industry, education, R&D, finance and skills sectors and our Australian and international defence partners together in ways never previously seen. The strategy enables us to ensure we have ships ready for future demands. It allows us to build agility into our system. It allows us to imagine the future and prepare for it.

Indeed, continuous shipbuilding is the system whereby Defence and industry working together are able to generate the innovation that the Prime Minister has identified as central to Australia’s future economic development.

The foundations we lay together (industry, Defence and Government) to build our ships won’t be just concrete and steel. We have an opportunity at this juncture to invest in the Australian people—their ingenuity and their resilience.

Continuous shipbuilding provides the ability to look at analysis, design, construction and sustainment collectively, or, as I would prefer to describe it: thinking, designing and doing, not as a series of sequential activities, but as concurrent activities.

The old way of acquiring ships and planning for mid-life upgrades no longer provides a solution to our larger more complex warships. It’s unmanageable at best. We cannot plan a fleet we cannot afford to build, sustain and evolve through the life of type and into the next generations.

For the first time since we built warships in the country we’ll be building not just for the life of one project, but for sustained capability into the future. I’m already thinking about the next frigate after the future frigate.

Defence is currently negotiating a way forward to reduce the depth of skills loss across the ship building workforce and mitigate against a ‘cold re-start’ after the completion of the current three ship Air Warfare Destroyer program.

If we get this right, future investment by industry will have no deadline or u-shaped valley of death into which CEO’s are expected to charge without an exit strategy for their workforce.

It’ll take a completely different approach to achieve this (acquisition strategies, approaches to industry, investment profiles, infrastructure plans, even class basing)—but it also provides an opportunity to set a new paradigm.

To this end, with respect to our major surface combatants, I see our greatest opportunity existing if we approach our shipbuilding capability as a continuous program of building the fleet of major ships, not just considering each individual project. That’s a true programmatic approach.

At some point in the future we’ll need to consider replacing our Air Warfare Destroyers. We have an opportunity to include that in our calculus now, as we start the first serial in the continuous shipbuilding program that the Government announced on 4 August 2015—our future frigate program.

I aim to hand over to the next CN, and his or her successors, a schedule of ship construction that’s such that their diary will be full of keel laying and commissioning ceremonies, as naval vessels will roll off the production line at a steady drum beat.

As a result, I’m looking for partners in industry that won’t only deliver the required levels of readiness but, will translate cost effectiveness into enhanced readiness. To support that outcome, industry in partnership with the tertiary sector needs to understand the importance of optimising the readiness of the current systems and capturing and managing the required knowledge to support the future system.

Industry needs to understand technology growth paths and the long-term implications of systems and technology providing operational availability at an affordable cost. And industry needs to invest in itself; not just invest for the next project. I call it horizontal enabling—programmatic planning for the long-term.

I cannot over-emphasise the importance of this point, because in my mind it is not just about the first ship to roll off the production line. Rather, it’s about the many generations of ships that will follow in the decades ahead.

This is inherently about availability. Looking beyond the build, we must design with sustainment in mind and build it as a package. This means taking advantage of new technologies and systems, whether they are domestic or from the global market so that they can be integrated into both the build and sustainment activities.

That will enable the continuous building plan to evolve because, while the program will be enduring, the technology will advance. This will be one of this nation’s greatest strategic investment campaigns.

The continuous build plan provides a critical opportunity to reorient our national naval enterprise to address the strategic demands of the 21st century. As I’ve stated before, this is a make or break opportunity—we either realise it together, or we fail together.

What happened to HMAS AE1?

Political controversy, design issues and a logistics foul up, including a failure to allocate the resources to sustain the capability—there are some strikingly familiar themes in the acquisition of Australia’s first submarines, two 700-tonne E-class boats built by Vickers Maxims at Barrow-in-Furness, England.

Prime Minister Alfred Deakin was the moving force for submarines despite strong opposition from the senior naval officer of the day.  The project was slow to progress, taking three years to place the order in December 1910.   Various proposals envisaging three, nine or 12 were aired before settling on two E-class submarines for Australia—hence their names AE1 and AE2.

The delivery voyage was marked by technical issues, two propeller changes for AE2 (one achieved in the open roadstead off Aden), and seven engine clutch repairs for AE1, to name but a few. The logistic demands were underestimated by a reluctant parent navy, with no training or squadron oversight, base or shore accommodation available for their arrival in May 1914—this support was to be provided by a new submarine depot ship, which was finally delivered in 1919.

After a delivery voyage that broke records, the submarines entered dry dock at Cockatoo Island to repair the ravages of the trip. The onset of World War I truncated this process and they hastily prepared for sea, joining the fledgling Royal Australia Navy (RAN) fleet en route to PNG to capture a naval radio station and take over the German colony.

(The story of the successful landing at the expense of Australia’s first casualties in WWI has been told elsewhere.)

On 14 September HMAS AE1 was ordered to patrol the seaward approaches off Cape Gazelle in company with the torpedo boat destroyer, HMAS Parramatta, to protect the fleet anchorage in Rabaul and to return by dark at 6pm. The submarine and her crew of 35 vanished without trace.

We’re reliant on Lieutenant Warren, Commanding Officer of Parramatta, for an account of the day; conversations reported by Warren were probably by megaphone or flashing light as no other ships recorded any radio messages between them.

Solving the puzzle relies heavily on interpreting the negative clues: no oil slick, no debris and no distress call. This requires knowledgeable supposition and professional judgment to reach a conclusion. We are dealing with a hypothesis, not facts.

AE1 was last seen by Parramatta off the Duke of York Islands, well north of the ordered patrol line. The exchanges between the two vessels as reported by Warren are disjointed and to a naval eye, incomplete. Lieutenant Commander Thomas Besant, the Commanding Officer of AE1 was the senior officer and should have taken charge of the patrol, but he didn’t.

Instead, according to Warren’s report, AE1 headed off to the northeast without explanation. It’s likely that they agreed that AE1 would head up to the Duke of York Islands in search of a German steamer seen the night before, while Parramatta undertook the patrol. I think that Besant decided to head for where the enemy was last seen—in the best traditions of Nelson. The rendezvous at 2:30pm in visibility of 5 miles was not a matter of chance. It was also the last recorded sighting of AE1.

Besant was under strict instructions, issued by the Fleet Commander personally on sailing that morning, to be back by dark; from his last seen position he needed to proceed at best speed on the surface to comply.

En route he may have been tempted to pass close in off Mioko Harbour in a final check for the steamer. With the South East monsoon creating a strong current adding to the wind already pushing him onto the fringing reef off Mioko Island at the south-eastern corner of the Duke of York Islands and rendered invisible by the sun, low on the western horizon this would have been a dangerous place for AE1. We believe it is most likely that AE1 was lost following a grounding.

Armed with this analysis the HMAS AE2 Project Silent Anzac team has formed Find AE1 Ltd, a not-for profit company, established for the sole purpose of finding Australia’s first submarine. The RAN, the Australian National Maritime Museum and the Submarine Institute of Australia are supporting the project.

Contemporary technology at the time of the loss couldn’t search underwater; sonar had yet to be developed. Subsequent searches in recent years have been ad hoc and ill-equipped to search the primary search area.

Supported by generous sponsorship Find AE1 Ltd has organised searches using vessels of opportunity mobilised in PNG to:

  • Examine a contact of interest, found during an RAN sonar search. Regrettably, it proved not to be AE1.
  • Complete a multi beam echo sounder search in November 2015.
  • Clear the area inside the 200m depth line.

We’ve reduced the problem. We now know where AE1 probably isn’t. It appears that after the grounding, the crew of AE1 may have been able to make way towards safety in Rabaul or Kokopo before meeting their fate. We must now search the deeper water using towed Side Scan Sonar (SSS) and magnetometer technology.

We’ve increased the search area to cover a wide range of scenarios; this will take 21 days with a further 9 days allowed for contingencies, utilising a Cairns-based vessel fitted with state-of-the-art sensors to locate AE1 should she lie in deeper waters. We will also embark Remotely Operated Vehicles, fitted with high-definition cameras to examine contacts of interest. That’ll give us a chance to revisit several contacts of interest located in the November search, exploiting the different capabilities of these technologies.

This search will be more expensive; Find AE1 Ltd will again rely on sponsorship and has also applied to the Federal Government for a grant to cover the cost. The next weather window is November 2016 to February 2017.

Noting the precedents set by Federal funding to search for and locate HMAS Sydney II, AHS Centaur and the large commitment for the ongoing search for Flight MH370, Find AE1 is optimistic that the Commonwealth will find the modest funds—$1.7M—to solve the last remaining naval mystery: the fate of HMAS AE1 and her 35 crewmen.

AE1 was lost seeking the foe, it’s time that Australia committed the resources to find her, solve the mystery of her loss and bring closure to the descendants.

In the words of the naval ode:

They have no grave but the cruel sea,

No flower lay at their heads,

A rusting hulk is their tombstone,

Afast on the Ocean bed.

We will remember them.

A 5th generation Royal Australian Navy

Maritime Warfare Officer, Sub Lieutenant Officer Samuel Archibald searches using binoculars on the bridge of HMAS Perth in the search for missing Malaysian Airlines Flight MH370 as part of OPERATION SOUTHERN INDIAN OCEAN.2015 is the year that saw Government announce that Continuous Shipbuilding will be a permanent feature in the nation’s industrial landscape – surely, this is not an outlandish notion for a maritime nation.

To understand why that decision marks the beginning of a new maritime and naval era, I want to briefly look back over the century of the RAN’s existence.

Let me start by reflecting on the writing of my learned colleague Rear-Admiral James Goldrick.

In a speech to the Australian Naval Institute in 2011, he spoke of the Australian Navy and the way that its capabilities have developed.

He suggested that the last century saw the progressive evolution of four generations of Australian ‘fleet units’. Each fleet unit was designed to meet fundamental changes in both the strategic environment and in the contemporary technology of naval warfare.

He opined that we were now at the start of a fifth generation of national naval capability. This assessment, though fundamentally simple and obvious, is of profound importance. Four years on, I contend we are well advanced in the move to this new, fifth ‘fleet unit’.

The leap in capability that we are currently making can be compared to that achieved with the first unit of 1913—centred on the battle cruiser Australia but including two of the new long range submarines—and also the third Fleet unit of 1948 which included the light carrier Sydney.

But I would argue that this fifth ‘fleet unit’ is an even greater advance, both relatively and absolutely, because it affects so many areas of warfighting and operations—and because it will be integrated and networked with the Air Force and Army and with other Defence assets to a much greater degree than ever before.

Let me emphasise here that this is very much a joint effort, indeed it is an endeavour ‘beyond joint’, because its achievement involves very much more than just the three combat services. Getting the enablers of intelligence, communications and logistics right will be core to achieving our ambitions—a view that I know is fully shared by my fellow Chiefs of Service, the Vice Chief and the CDF.

That said, you have only to look at the ships that form the vanguard of our change to understand the magnitude of what is being done, and not just by Navy.

Ships Canberra and Adelaide will allow the Australian Defence Force—a term I use deliberately in this context—to deploy and project both hard and soft power around our maritime region (and around our own coasts) in many ways and in many different contingencies, to a degree and with a level of confidence we have never before enjoyed.

We have already achieved a level of capability with the company strength Amphibious Ready Element which will provide us with a more robust and sustainable amphibious response than at any time in the ADF’s peacetime history, a capability which will have real utility in humanitarian assistance and evacuation operations.

The amphibious exercises off Cowley Beach in August this year with HMAS Canberra exceeded our expectations. Just yesterday I declared her to be at Initial Operating Capability. We will commission her sister ship Adelaide next month and with that will continue the certification process of the ADF amphibious capability.

With the full battalion based battle group, that is the core of the Amphibious Ready Group, we will have the potential, at relatively little notice, to deploy substantial combat power from the sea, something which has already repeatedly proved so important in the stabilisation operations which we have conducted in the region.

In terms of maritime combat power, we already have more than a taste of what is to come in the modernised Anzac class frigates. Their new CEA radars (very locally produced) and combat systems are world leading technology that will allow our surface forces to operate with a much greater degree of confidence against the airborne anti-ship threat.

This is not just idle speculation. HMAS Perth’s performance at the Pacific Missile Range facility last year proved the worth of the recent modernization and demonstrated the ANZAC’s capability as an escort for the LHD.  That said ANZACs are approaching the limits of development margins and the government’s commitment to the future frigate is timely.

As an aviator I am well pleased with the introduction of the MH 60 Romeo helicopter.  It is now at sea in the Anzac class and is a leap in anti-submarine capability—a tremendous asset which the most modern submarines will find very difficult to counter. It also provides new elements of anti-surface capability in its sensor fit and Hellfire missiles

It could not be more timely. As I speak here we have a major fleet concentration period happening off the east coast, where a number of our submarines are involved in rebuilding our latent Fleet ASW skills.

And I eagerly await the arrival of the new Air Warfare Destroyers. I have made my point before about the delays in this project and will not repeat them here.

But this cabability is critical is we are to meet the demands government has on us in the region.  The DDG will provide a capability to dominate the maritime battlespace through their AEGIS system and their SM-2 missiles in a way that we have never had before.

But importantly this will also be a capability that will complement, and be complemented by, the Air Force’s Wedgetail.

The ability to share sensor and tracking data that these two major platforms bring to the battlespace will allow them to capitalise on the full capabilities of the long range SM-2 missile and its successors to an unprecedented degree. No longer will our anti-air weapon range be confined to the radar horizons of our surface ships.  A cooperative engagement capability is essential across the ADF and indeed across our Allies.

This is an important point. I have talked elsewhere of our need to focus on the lethality of our systems because it is lethality which creates combat power and true deterrent effect.

And it is not about the vulnerability of individual platforms to individual weapons. It is a about a systemic approach to collective defence and offence. A force centred on an Air Warfare Destroyer and our other seaborne elements, supported by Wedgetail and other airborne systems such as the JSF, Super Hornet, Growler and the P8 maritime patrol aircraft will have the ability to dominate an area in which it operates.

The Collins class submarines, now providing a far greater availability than they did 3-4 years ago, and their successor will have an equally significant part to play, whether operating independently to attack and destroy the adversary’s capabilities, or in support.

What we are developing, in sum, is a maritime capability which will be able to operate as a coherent national task force, or as a major element—often a leading one—within a coalition. It will be a collective capability that will be able to deal heavy blows to an adversary and at very long distances.

Defence budgets in our region are rising in relative and absolute terms and new ships and submarines are being launched every month.  The precautionary principle requires that Australia has a fleet that keeps pace with those in the region because we cannot know where, and under what circumstances, our ships will be operating in the 2020s and beyond.

That is not going to be easy but the alternative is a slow withering on the vine of our maritime capability.

It is my view that continuous shipbuilding now provides us, for the first time, an opportunity for ‘evolution’ to become an underpinning factor in the strategic calculus for our fleet’s design and delivery. In this vein, the fleet unit can continuously evolve in a managed, deliberate and affordable manner.

The Darwin Port lease: setting the record straight

Criticisms of the Northern Territory Government’s decision to lease sections of Darwin Port to Landbridge, a Chinese company, have come from two main sources—US commentators who see an opportunity to drive a wedge between Australia and China, and from Australian sources overstating the security risks. All authors have in common some misunderstanding of the full circumstances of the lease and fear of a threat from China, and the US critics are aware of the difficulty Australia faces with maintaining a balance between our strategic alliance with the US and our trading relationship with China.

Over the past six years, we have seen a process of action and reaction in the region with Chinese actions being matched by a US response—and vice versa. Increased US military activity in the region is viewed by China as part of the plan to ‘contain’ China and maintain US hegemony in the region. Inevitably China has to respond, leading to a classic ‘security dilemma’. Unfortunately there are ‘hawks’ in both Washington and Beijing who are only too happy to fuel this dilemma.

As part of the ‘pivot’, Washington has been boosting relations with its regional friends and allies. Australia, as a loyal partner of the US, has been a particular target of Washington’s. Any sign of our wavering towards China, as our major trading partner, is seen as a major problem in Washington. US pressure is evident in suggestions that Australia join the US freedom of navigation operations challenging Chinese claims in the South China Sea, and recently, criticisms of the lease of Darwin port facilities to Landbridge.

Richard Armitage, a former US Deputy Secretary of State, has said he was ‘stunned’ that Australia ‘blind-sided’ the US on the deal—apparently by not consulting Washington as part of the decision-making process. Even President Obama has expressed concern that Australia hadn’t consulted the US. Those suggestions are patronising and an affront to our national sovereignty.

Australian criticisms of the lease should have been ‘put to bed’ by responses from both the Secretary of the Australian Department of Defence and China experts. Dennis Richardson pointed out that the deal was exhaustively examined both by the Defence Department and ASIO, and it was ‘amateur hour’ to suggest there was an espionage risk. China expert, Linda Jakobson, has observed it isn’t unusual for a Chinese company to have a militia unit and for principals of Chinese companies to have links with the Communist party—two issues used by Australian commentators to criticise the deal.

Despite these responses, Neil James has still made an extraordinary xenophobic attack on the lease, claiming it to be a grand strategic failure. However, any failure is not, as argued by Neil, to view China as a potentially belligerent ‘peer-strategic competitor to our long-term alliance partner’. Rather the challenge is to help build strategic trust between the two competitors and, as suggested by Lyle Goldstein of the USN War College in his recent book, Meeting China Halfway, to replace the current ‘escalation spiral’ between them with a ‘cooperation spiral’.

Australian critics have mainly not appreciated what the lease involves, the composition of the port of Darwin, or the nature of port operations more generally. The lease covers the principal parts of the port involved with international commercial shipping. It doesn’t include major parts of the port, such as the coastal shipping and fishing facilities around Frances Bay, the Darwin naval base, or Stokes Hill wharf. As well as being a major tourist venue, the latter wharf is still used by Australian Customs Vessels, RAN vessels and visiting warships.

Important checks and balances will be in place with the lease. Australia can take back control of the port at any time of crisis. The Northern Territory Government will be able to ensure that the port operates safely and in accordance with environmental legislation. The port facilities operated by Landbridge will also be subject to the requirements of the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code, and compliance in this regard will be monitored by inspectors appointed by the Australian Maritime Safety Authority.

The Darwin port lease has led to calls for closer security scrutiny of overseas investment in critical infrastructure. That may be necessary, but every element of infrastructure is different—ports are not the same as power and telecommunications networks. Ports are part of a globalised supply chain subject to many vulnerabilities, but foreign control of some part of a port isn’t one of them—in fact, it’s a global norm. Allan Behm has noted that the ‘issue is essentially one of control’, but the questions he mentions are all ones of the normal commercial operation of a modern and efficient international port.

In the final analysis, the port leasing deal is a good one for the Northern Territory. It will ensure the development of port facilities in Darwin, particularly the East Arm wharf area, into the major international port desperately needed by both the Territory and adjacent parts of Western Australia.

ADF Capability snapshots—part 2: RAN

The Royal Australian Navy's latest helicopter, the MH60R 'Romeo' Seahawk, flies past the Navy's latest ship, NUSHIP Canberra in Sydney, NSW.

This week’s release in the ADF capability snapshot series takes a look at the Royal Australian Navy. (Here’s a link to last week’s RAAF paper.) Again, there’s a lot more good news than bad in this survey. That’s particularly encouraging, because Navy wasn’t in a great place when we did the previous capability snapshot in 2010. So before getting to the good news, let’s set the time machine for 2010 to remind ourselves how things looked then.

The surface combatant fleet was the one bright spot, after the upgrade to the Adelaide class frigates was (eventually) completed. The 2010 review also noted good progress on upgrading the Anzac frigates with a new Saab combat system and Australian-developed CEAFAR radar. That was a good call; the new review notes that, in terms of air defence, the Anzacs are probably the most capable 3,000 tonne vessels in the world today. (A less good call was the statement that the air warfare destroyers would be in service in 2014—the first of those is now expected in late 2017.)

But elsewhere the trend in capability was downwards, including some key force elements. Submarine availability and manning were both problems, resulting in operational submarine days being in short supply. The Navy was also struggling to maintain the old Bravo model Seahawks and their increasingly obsolete systems. The failure of the lightweight torpedo program to provide an air launched weapon and the cancellation of the Super Seasprite meant that the Navy’s combat helicopter capability simply wasn’t up to scratch.

A consequence of those collective shortcomings was that the ADF’s anti-submarine warfare (ASW) capability continued to decline. And with the benefit of hindsight, we could’ve added to the list of problems the hollow nature of the amphibious capability, which effectively collapsed in 2011 when the Navy had no available ships to assist in the response to Cyclone Yasi.

But that was then and this is now and the Navy has made good progress in remediating those issues. The 24 new Romeo model Seahawks have started to deliver real capability to the fleet’s combat helicopter fleet, including a dipping sonar (for the first time in 20 years) and a lightweight ASW torpedo that’s much more capable against modern submarines than the old ones. These are good steps in rebuilding a modern ASW capability, although the final components won’t be in place until the future frigates come on line, probably around the middle of next decade; as good as the Anzacs are above the water, they aren’t as capable beneath it.

The availability of Collins class submarines, which we’ve been tracking, has increased substantially since its 2009–10 low point, when the six boats produced only 380 days of availability, and at one stage no submarines were available for operational tasking. While the current figure of around 800 days falls well short of the Coles report benchmark of 1,200 days, it shows that some serious attention is being given to management of this expensive national asset. HMAS Farncombe is the latest boat to go through deep maintenance, and ASC is on schedule to complete the process in well under two years. In comparison, previous overhauls generally took three years, and HMAS Rankin was laid up for almost five years and HMAS Sheean for four.

The Canberra class LHD amphibious ships provide a quantum leap in capability and capacity compared to their predecessors. A single LHD can embark as many troops and more vehicles and equipment than the previous three ships combined. With this acquisition the RAN moves into the front ranks of naval amphibious capability in the region. Of course, there’s a resources bill to be paid for such capability, and getting the Army/Navy combination working smoothly to take advantage of the new capability will be a challenge.

Looking ahead, it’ll be interesting to see how the Abbott government’s promise to bring forward the major and minor vessel shipbuilding projects plays out. The frigates have got most of the press, but the pressing need is actually the minor vessels. The rate of effort required to keep up border patrol work over the past few years, often in pretty tough conditions, has taken its toll on the Armidale class patrol boats. And the Huon class minehunters have also often been pressed into service at the maritime border, to the point where the Navy’s minehunting capability is marginal.

All in all, Navy has made great strides in the past five years. Some smart acquisitions have helped, but there’s also been a better focus on managing the fleet and its people, and in working with industry to bring the various elements of capability together. There’s plenty of work to do, and the future submarine, minor vessel and frigate projects will require plenty of attention, but credit where it’s due.

Darwin: storm in a port

Storm

Evidence presented to Senate Estimates hearings on 21 October over the 99-year lease of the Port of Darwin to a Chinese company shines new light on the elements of the decision. The issue points to serious worries both about the specifics of the port lease and over the wider way in which the Commonwealth handles—more accurately fails to handle—national security assessments of foreign investment proposals.

Defence Minister, Marise Payne, made a statement at Estimates about her discussions with US Secretary of Defense, Ashton Carter, in Boston. These took place the same day the Northern Territory Chief Minister announced the 99-year lease of the Port of Darwin.

Senator Payne: As part of the bilateral engagement during AUSMIN … we have reinforced our very strong agreement to pursue enhanced naval cooperation. That will include additional combined training and exercises between our two navies. The capacity for combined activities and interoperability is very important to both of us. … It is our view that the closer and earlier the discussions with the United States as part of that process, the more effective our interoperability can be.

As Senator Nick Xenophon started to ask questions about the Port of Darwin lease, Minister Payne said: ‘In the first instance, it is my understanding that it is not subject to Foreign Investment Review Board review or approval.’ She then excused herself from the hearings to attend another meeting.

Secretary of Defence, Dennis Richardson took up the case:

With Darwin, Defence does not have any security concerns about the sale of the port to Chinese interests. I note that it is a commercial port; it is not a naval base. The Northern Territory government first broached the possibility of the privatisation of the port in early 2014. …

Senator Xenophon: So it does have a strategic role?

Mr Richardson: Our interest in a commercial port is access to the port and its facilities. The deed of licence, which we signed in May of this year, provided us with the access to the port of Darwin that we wanted. When we were subsequently advised that the sale was to Chinese interests, we examined the possible security implications. Within Defence, that involved the three services. It involved the Australian Signals Directorate, the Defence security agency and the strategic policy area of Defence. No part of Defence had a concern from a security perspective in respect of the sale. The Navy’s interest was overwhelmingly the question of access, not the question of ownership, given that it is a commercial port, not a navy base.

The Secretary’s answer makes it clear that Defence didn’t make a broad judgement about the national security implications of the lease. Their interest was only to assure a limited regime of access for Navy vessels.

Later, in answering a question from Senator Jacqui Lambie about the lease of the port to a Chinese company, Richardson added: ‘the question about China’s broader strategic posture in the region and what they might own or lease in Australia and the security implications of that are really quite separate.’

When asked about whether the lease was discussed with the United States the following exchange took place:

Mr Richardson: No, we did not consult the United States. We did not see a need to, because their arrangements in terms of access to a commercial port remain unchanged. They pay for their access now and they will pay for their access in the future. …

Senator Peris: Are you saying there was no consultation done with the US Navy?

Mr Richardson: No.

Senator Peris: So you do not have any concerns about cooperation with the US forces in Darwin as a result?

Mr Richardson: If the US has any questions about the sale of the port then the US can raise them with us.

So much for ‘closer and earlier discussions’ with the United States. Our ally should be puzzled by this lack of consultation at precisely the same time we claim to be increasing maritime cooperation with both our navies operating out of the Port of Darwin. Surely at some point since early 2014 Defence might have found it useful to find out if the US had ‘any questions.’

The Secretary continued to emphasise that Darwin was a commercial port, not a naval base. But of course commercial ports can have national security significance. Defence’s position on the lease seems to be that the Department’s interests run only to looking after its current and anticipated use of the port.

Mr Richardson: We can only look at this in terms of our interests. Does it raise national security concerns for us as a department? It does not. If other people have other issues about foreign ownership of whatever, that is not an issue that concerns us unless it impinges on our interests and responsibilities.

‘Other people’ may be a reference to the Foreign Investment Review Board (FIRB). But this is an entity which depends on Defence and the intelligence agencies to offer advice about the national security implications of foreign direct investment.

If only to create some public confidence in its decisions the Government urgently needs to redesign the FIRB, give it a statutory basis, separate it from the Treasury, and build a genuine capability to make assessments of risk to national security.

Post script

Shortly after the Estimates Committee Hearings, Defence made public comment opposing another possible privatisation—that of Defence Housing Australia (DHA). The ABC reported a statement from the Chief of the Defence Force that the ADF ‘supports the continuation of DHA as a government-owned entity.’

DHA has been praised for its management acumen as a Commonwealth owned entity, but its privatisation—which Government has in any event ruled out—raises no national security implications.

If only a few DHA houses had fallen within the Port of Darwin precinct. That might have made a world of difference.