Tag Archive for: Northern Territory

Middle Arm project: the infrastructure enabler for Northern Territory development

Darwin’s proposed Middle Arm Sustainable Development Precinct is set to be the heart of a new integrated infrastructure network in the Northern Territory, larger and better than what currently exists in northern Australia.

However, the project’s success depends on coordinated financial support between the Northern Territory and federal governments. More attention needs to be paid to the current model of federal funding, which risks limiting the project’s development and reducing its benefits.

Developing northern Australia’s economic opportunities presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the rest of the country. The Northern Territory’s geostrategic position and its vast natural resources, including its renewable energy potential, world-class gas reserves and mineral deposits, help maintain Australia’s role as a key player in global energy and mineral supply chains.

The precinct, still in its early stages of planning, will be spread over 15 square kilometres of newly developed land and include common user infrastructure such as roads, renewable power networks, water supply, telecommunications, infrastructure corridors, a module offloading facility and a shipping channel.

The Northern Territory government is also developing a large pipeline of enabling infrastructure projects, each with some level of interdependency on the precinct. These include enabling infrastructure and new industries such as:

—A proposed ship lift facility in Darwin Harbour;

—Carbon capture, utilisation and storage facilities built around the existing INPEX (Ichthys onshore LNG) and Santos (Darwin LNG) gas facilities;

—Large-scale solar and hydrogen projects, such as the proposed solar farm associated with SunCable’s Australia-Asia PowerLink project;

—Water infrastructure projects such as the Adelaide River Off-stream Water Storage project and the return to service of the Manton Dam; and

—A marine industry park.

Although the Middle Arm project is a joint effort between the federal and Northern Territory and governments, federal support for it has changed over time.

In 2021, the Liberal government allocated $2 billion for the precinct. This would be granted to the Northern Territory government to fund the $1.5 billion common user marine infrastructure, $200 million road upgrades and a $300 million carbon capture and storage manifold.

The revenue generated from these assets would set the territory on a path of self-generated revenue, which would then fund critical infrastructure across the region including police, health and education facilities.

However, when the current Labor federal government took over in 2022, it switched the funding profile to an equity style arrangement of $1.5 billion for common user marine infrastructure, leaving the road upgrades and carbon capture and storage manifold unfunded.

The key difference between these two commitments is not the amount of funding, but the way in which the funding is given.

Under the previous Liberal-National federal government, the territory government did not have to pay back the money, which was intended as a grant. But with the current model of equity investment, the territory is expected to make a positive return on investment and pay back the funds with interest.

This means the territory will need to draw down on its self-generated revenue, which in turn will make it more difficult and costly to comprehensively develop the precinct and increase the risks for the territory. While the loan clearly demonstrates strong federal support for the project, it will reduce the benefits to northern Australia in the short term.

Another key element of the Middle Arm project is provision of strategic infrastructure corridors for transmission of feedstock and export products including gas, water and high voltage power. Energy availability and cost determines the capacity and economics of advanced industry. By combining energy generation, storage and energy-intensive industry in a single precinct, the project aims to unlock the territory’s capacity to progress further down the commodity supply chain.

Northern Australia’s lack of infrastructure and energy grid issues—despite producing most of Australia’s LNG—are consistent stymying factors for economic growth. The precinct’s concentration of supply and customers will reduce the inherent challenges of distance and localises infrastructure needs, allowing it to host manufacturing projects that are unfeasible across the rest of the territory.

A strong Northern Territory means a strong Australia. Despite the territory’s relatively small population and voice on the national stage, it is crucial for the country that it grows economically and develops into a more prosperous, strategically vital region.

The precinct is set to be a holistic, integrated network that combines big projects with infrastructure enablers, creating more favourable economies of scale. This type of systems thinking is vital for development in the north, but support from the nation remains crucial, and close attention must be paid to the terms of that support.

Northern Australia’s economic revival can support defence readiness

Two blueprints that could redefine the Northern Territory’s economic future were launched last week. The first was a government-led economic strategy and the other an industry-driven economic roadmap.

Both highlight that supporting the Northern Territory is not just an economic necessity; it is a national security imperative. By aligning defence priorities and economic development, Australia can ensure the Northern Territory is a resilient and self-sufficient pillar of our national defence strategy.

The Northern Territory Government’s Economic Strategy 2025 sets out a determined investment plan to drive economic growth using the Territory’s natural resources, strategic location and emerging industries. It prioritises renewable energy, critical minerals, transport and digital connectivity, tourism, and workforce capacity building. These areas are intended to enhance trade links with Asian markets and achieve annual growth in gross state product that exceeds national GDP growth.

Simultaneously, the Darwin Major Business Group’s What the Territory Needs 2025 roadmap presents an industry-led approach to the Territory’s economic revitalisation focusing on defence, agriculture and critical minerals. By upgrading Darwin Port and expanding renewable energy projects, it seeks to establish the Territory as a trade and energy hub while aligning with national security priorities to attract federal funding and international partnerships.

Both strategies recognise the Territory’s role in Australia’s defence posture and the fact that the Territory’s economic strength underpins national security. Revitalisation of the Territory could reduce reliance on imports, sustain defence operations and reinforce Australia’s ability to project power in the Indo-Pacific.

But progress to transform Northern Australia into a hardened defence hub is slow and limited to enabling infrastructure contained within the defence estate. For example, Defence has earmarked billions over the coming decade to strengthen northern bases. Beyond this, secure energy, stable digital connectivity, reliable water supply and resilient transport networks are required to sustain military operations and accommodate extreme demand surges during joint training exercises.

Defence investment in the Northern Territory cannot operate in isolation. Without a strong economy to sustain it, Defence will struggle to reach its full posting potential. The Territory needs affordable housing, healthcare, education and job opportunities for defence families and industry. Otherwise, recruitment and retention will suffer, places such as Darwin and Katherine will continue to be considered ‘hardship’ postings, and the Territory will be unable to build the workforce needed to support a growing Defence presence.

Both economic strategies recognise that private sector investment must be mobilised alongside government funding. The industry-led strategy can ensure a faster, more agile approach to infrastructure development by using private capital, streamlining regulations and incentivising business. Encouraging the private sector to co-invest in dual-use infrastructure—ports, airstrips and logistics hubs—will create lasting economic benefits while supporting defence capabilities.

Unlocking the Territory’s vast critical mineral reserves and energy resources must also be framed in a national security context. The Beetaloo Basin’s gas potential and the Territory’s deposits of rare earth elements can contribute to energy security and domestic manufacturing growth and self-resilience. The Adelaide River Off-stream Water Storage project ensures reliable potable water supplies for defence bases, training areas and disaster response operations. This shows how infrastructure investment can serve both economic and military needs.

The Northern Territory has a once-in-a-generation opportunity to become Australia’s northern powerhouse for defence and critical minerals. But success will require sustained bipartisan support and collaboration between government, industry and Defence. The window for action is narrowing. As regional tensions rise and global competition for supply chain sovereignty intensifies, Australia must seize the opportunity to strengthen its northern frontier.

Darwin is well-placed for an uncrewed systems hub

Australia often relies on overseas facilities for uncrewed systems’ maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO), exposing the country to operational delays, escalating costs and potential security risks. To address this vulnerability, it should establish an MRO facility for uncrewed systems in Darwin.

Uncrewed systems, including drones, uncrewed aerial vehicles and uncrewed underwater vehicles, are transforming Australia’s defence, security and commercial sectors. They have a range of applications in defence operations, border security, environmental monitoring and industrial applications such as extraction of natural resources, including natural gas.

Darwin’s strategic location, existing infrastructure and proximity to major defence and commercial partners mean it is the ideal hub for maintaining these vital assets.

The city’s strategic significance, long recognised by Australia’s defence planners, makes it the natural location for a dedicated MRO facility. As the gateway to the Indo-Pacific, Darwin’s proximity to regional and global markets, particularly Asia, provides an unparalleled advantage for servicing domestic and international clients.

This places Darwin at the crossroads of Australia’s defence and commercial interests in the region, with clear benefits for its role as a logistics and maintenance hub for uncrewed systems. Furthermore, the city’s established infrastructure, including air and sea ports, rail connections and utilities, already supports large-scale defence operations and the growing defence footprint in the region, making it primed for expansion into a world-class MRO hub for uncrewed systems.

Australian uncrewed systems are largely serviced overseas, leaving them vulnerable to extended downtimes, longer repair times and increased risk in transportation. This reliance on foreign facilities compromises Australia’s operational readiness. It hampers the efficiency of industries, such as resource extraction, that rely heavily on uncrewed technology for monitoring, inspections and surveillance.

As the Australian Defence Force and commercial sectors increasingly deploy uncrewed systems, it is essential to ensure they can be maintained and repaired promptly to avoid delays in operations, whether they involve national security, disaster response or remote infrastructure management.

As uncrewed systems are central to the future of defence operations, creating an MRO facility in Darwin would strengthen Australia’s position as a key partner in the region, with the ability to service not only its own uncrewed systems but also those of allied nations. This strategic advantage would provide a competitive edge in defence readiness and international collaborations.

Moreover, Darwin’s potential MRO facility could support other government agencies, such as the Australian Federal Police, Home Affairs and the Australian Border Force. They all use uncrewed systems for surveillance, border protection and law enforcement.

The ability to rapidly repair and maintain these systems would improve agencies’ responsiveness and availability of capabilities, ensuring that they are always equipped to respond to emerging threats. Darwin could thus play a greater role in Australia’s broader security architecture, providing reliable, homegrown support to key domestic and international partners.

From a commercial perspective, establishing an MRO facility in Darwin would be commercially viable and a boon for local businesses.

With the growing demand for uncrewed systems in industries such as liquefied natural gas (LNG), telecommunications and mining, establishing a local MRO facility would significantly reduce the reliance on overseas service providers. This would cut transport costs and ensure faster turnaround of repairs, improving the operational efficiency of these industries.

It would also create a thriving commercial ecosystem around uncrewed systems in the Northern Territory. Local businesses would be able to engage with the growing global market for uncrewed systems, contributing to job creation and the region’s economic growth.

For this MRO facility to be commercially successful, it should be designed as a multi-use facility, capable of supporting not only defence and government sectors but also commercial enterprises. This approach would ensure financial sustainability through a diversified revenue stream.

Partnerships with commercial operators in the LNG, mining, and telecommunications sectors could provide steady demand for services.

Moreover, collaborations with international partners—such as the United States, Japan and other Indo-Pacific nations—could provide further opportunities for industry growth, turning Darwin into a regional centre for uncrewed system innovation and service.

Such collaborations could include joint research and development projects, knowledge sharing and training programs, further enhancing the facility’s global relevance.

Establishing an MRO facility in Darwin would have significant strategic, economic and operational benefits. It would enhance Australia’s defence readiness, reduce its reliance on overseas maintenance services and foster closer collaboration with key regional partners. A local MRO facility would strengthen Australia’s ability to respond to threats, contribute to the security of the Indo-Pacific region and support industries that rely on uncrewed systems.

By capitalising on Darwin’s strategic location, existing infrastructure and growing importance in regional security, Australia can establish a world-class facility that meets its future needs and reinforces its role as a key player in the Indo-Pacific.

Lessons from Cyclone Tracy: preparing for a future of cascading disasters

On Christmas morning in 1974, Cyclone Tracy unleashed catastrophic destruction on Darwin, forever altering the city and Australia’s approach to disaster resilience. As the intensity of climate-driven catastrophes grows, the main lesson of Cyclone Tracy is clear: we must do more to prepare, and we must do it now.

With wind speeds surpassing 217 km/h, the Category 4 cyclone killed 66 people and injured hundreds. It obliterated more than 70 percent of Darwin’s buildings, displacing most of its population. Fifty years on, the lessons from Cyclone Tracy remain as urgent and relevant as ever, as Australia confronts a new era of escalating climate change and increasingly frequent extreme weather events.

ASPI’s new report commemorating Cyclone Tracy’s anniversary highlights the need for proactive, comprehensive disaster resilience in the face of rising climate risks. The aftermath of Tracy revealed deep vulnerabilities in Australia’s preparedness, from inadequate building codes to insufficient community awareness. This reshaped our approach to disaster management, laying the foundations for national disaster-response frameworks that continue to guide Australia.

The immediate aftermath of Cyclone Tracy brought Australia together in a way that was unprecedented in peacetime. The Australian Defence Force led a coordinated relief effort, showcasing the power of military, government and civilian agencies working in unison. The cyclone also prompted establishment of the Darwin Reconstruction Authority, a centralised body that drove the city’s rebuilding efforts and set a benchmark for future disaster recovery initiatives. These responses proved that a structured, collaborative approach to recovery can lead to resilience.

The reconstruction of Darwin not only transformed the city into a modern urban centre; it caused a shift in how Australia views the intersection of disaster response and urban planning. The introduction of stricter building codes, designed to withstand Category 5 cyclones, became a cornerstone of our disaster preparedness. The recovery also highlighted the importance of local leadership, community involvement and a whole-of-nation response to disasters.

While we’ve made progress since Cyclone Tracy, the growing threat of climate change means that disaster resilience today requires an even more multifaceted approach. Our report explores the need to look beyond building codes and infrastructure and include advancements in predictive technologies such as satellite monitoring and early warning systems. Equally important is empowering local communities, particularly those in vulnerable regions like northern Australia, to take proactive measures and adapt to changing conditions. We cannot afford to be reactive. We must be anticipatory in our approach to future disasters.

In this context, Cyclone Tracy offers not only a historical lesson but a clear call to action. The resilience of Darwin in the face of overwhelming destruction was impressive, but future threats demand that we take a more proactive, strategic approach. Australia’s National Disaster Risk Reduction Framework is a step in the right direction, but it must evolve to meet the demands of an increasingly volatile climate. The growing frequency of cascading disasters—whether bushfires, floods, or cyclones—requires even greater collaboration and resource-sharing between government, industry and the private sector.

The 50th anniversary of Cyclone Tracy must not only be a moment of reflection but a reminder that disaster resilience is a dynamic, ongoing process. Northern Australia is particularly vulnerable to cyclones, heatwaves and flooding, and it cannot afford complacency.

As climate risks continue to escalate, we need to invest in smarter, more resilient infrastructure, better systems of disaster response, and more informed, empowered communities. Traditional knowledge, particularly from Indigenous communities in northern Australia, must also be integrated into disaster planning, offering invaluable lessons on sustainable living and resource management.

The legacy of Cyclone Tracy is clear: resilience is not just about recovery, but about preparation. As Australia faces the challenges of climate change, we must build on the lessons of the past to ensure a safer, more resilient future. This anniversary is an opportunity to strengthen our commitment to disaster preparedness, ensuring that Australia remains a global leader in disaster resilience and recovery.

By taking Cyclone Tracy’s lessons and adapting them to today’s climate risks, Australia can create a more resilient future for all its communities, ensuring that no one faces disaster alone.

Darwin is key for undersea data links. We must promote their resilience there

Australia needs further investment into Darwin’s digital infrastructure to leverage the city’s proximity to Asia and support the resilience of international data flow through subsea cables.

Actions should include establishing an office to coordinate industry and government agencies, and it should build a substantial capability in Darwin to repair cables.

The importance of acting is underscored by Google’s November statement that it would lay a data cable from Darwin to Singapore via Christmas Island and by ongoing joint efforts by Australia, the United States and Japan to increase connectivity in the Pacific.

As subsea links, such as the existing Darwin-Jakarta-Singapore Cable, become Australia’s digital lifelines, their security and resilience become paramount. Disruption to them would have profound consequences for both Australia’s economy and national security.

Darwin’s role in the Indo-Pacific digital ecosystem is growing ever faster, making the city increasingly central to global data flows. Vulnerabilities come with dependence on such infrastructure. Incapacitation of these cables—whether through physical damage or cyber threats—would severely affect Australia’s economy, security, and geopolitical standing.

The government’s current approach to managing subsea cable security lacks the coordination needed to address the growing challenges in this space. With multiple agencies involved, from the Department of Infrastructure to the Australian Communications and Media Authority, Australia needs a more unified and proactive approach to safeguarding these assets.

Given the national security stakes, Australia must establish a dedicated domestic subsea cable coordination unit to oversee construction, maintenance and security. This unit should serve as a clearinghouse, working closely with key government stakeholders, telecommunications regulators and private sector players—including major tech firms, such as Google and Meta. By integrating their expertise, the unit could ensure that subsea cables were shielded from physical and cyber threats, coordinating national security efforts and fostering a unified response to emerging risks.

As Darwin continues to evolve as a data hub, Australia’s capacity to swiftly repair damage to its subsea cables is becoming increasingly critical. To maintain resilience, the government must establish a local repair hub. This includes building up domestic repair capabilities, which could be achieved through partnerships with international cable operators or by developing local expertise within the Northern Territory. A dedicated repair ship, staffed with a rapid-response team based in Darwin, would be invaluable, ensuring that cable damage was addressed quickly to minimise disruption. This approach would further strengthen Australia’s position as a reliable player in the global digital infrastructure arena.

To support this growing digital infrastructure, Darwin’s physical and digital capabilities must also be scaled up. This requires robust terrestrial backhaul connections and investment by large cloud-service providers in world-class AI data centres.  We also need a regulatory framework that supports the increasing volume of data while addressing potential physical and cyber threats.

The Northern Territory offers geological stability and an advantageous position for connections to Singapore, itself an important node in the global submarine cable network. These advantages make it an ideal place for increasing Australia’s overall telecommunications and subsea cable resilience by diversifying submarine cable landings from clogged areas like Sydney and existing areas like Perth.

As the volume of data flowing through the region rises, so too must the capacity to handle it securely and efficiently. Strong, resilient infrastructure will not only bolster Australia’s own security but position the country as a reliable alternative to higher-risk regions. It will also attract investment and foster deeper international partnerships, particularly with allies such as the United States and Japan, who are already deeply engaged in securing subsea cable infrastructure.

Australia must also step up its role in the global dialogue surrounding subsea cable security. Given the interconnectedness of these cables and their importance to international trade and security, it cannot afford to act in isolation. Active participation in global initiatives is essential. For example, in September, Australia endorsed the New York Statement on Undersea Cables, which calls for international cooperation to safeguard the links.

By engaging in these discussions, Australia can share insights on emerging threats, establish best practices for protection and help shape global responses to subsea cable disruptions. This leadership would further cement Australia’s position as a key partner in global digital infrastructure security.

The time for action is now. Australia’s government must move decisively to secure the subsea cable infrastructure of the Northern Territory, ensuring long-term resilience and reliability.

With its strategic location in the Indo-Pacific, Darwin is poised to be a cornerstone of global digital connectivity, not only serving as a gateway for Australia but also reinforcing regional security and economic stability. By securing subsea cable infrastructure, Australia will pave the way for a secure, resilient and interconnected future, reinforcing both its national interests and its partnerships with key allies.

Training in Australia is a big chance for Japan. Let’s make it permanent

Valuable training in the Northern Territory for Japan’s key amphibious force from next year should be only a step towards more extensive use of Australian exercise areas by the Japanese armed forces.

Canberra should now offer Tokyo a permanent arrangement for Japanese armed forces to train in the Northern Territory, similar to the initiative for Singaporean troops training in Queensland.

The plan for the Japanese brigade to begin training in the Northern Territory was announced on 17 November during a meeting in Darwin of the three countries’ defence chiefs. Japan’s Amphibious Rapid Deployment Brigade (ARDB), a marine unit of Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF), will join the training and exercises held by the US Marine Rotational Force–Darwin (MRF-D) and the Australian Defence Force from 2025.

The ARDB incorporates Japan’s former Western Army Infantry Regiment, the dedicated amphibious warfare unit of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force. It conducts a full range of amphibious operations and limited training with the US Marine Corps to enhance the skills and doctrine for retaking Japanese territory seized by a foreign power.

To support the ARDB, Japan has bought amphibious assault vehicles. It has also modernised ships for operating F-35B Lightning fighters and MV-22 tilt-rotor aircraft, both types also used by the USMC.

Peace in Japan since World War II and the country’s pacifist constitution have ensured that its armed forces haven’t fought a war for almost 80 years. Training opportunities of the highest quality are therefore even more important to them than they are for the militaries of other countries.

The Northern Territory provides the space and the multi-domain training that the JSDF needs to better prepare its soldiers and equipment for the battlefield. It is arguably the best place on this side of the world for the sort of unrestrained, combined-arms training the JSDF is seeking.

Japan’s training spaces are limited, because of the country’s high population density. Alternatives in the US don’t have the unique characteristics of the Northern Territory, which provides for multi-domain training across air, land, sea, space and cyberspace.

JSDF presence in the Northern Territory would also be useful in accelerating unilateral, bilateral and multilateral testing and evaluation for dual-use technologies. By adding Japanese systems to those that are already tested an evaluated in the Northern Territory, we can develop a larger and more robust private support industry.

It is good news that the first Japanese Joint Staff liaison officer will be placed in Australia’s Headquarters Joint Operations Command (HQJOC) in November. Also welcome is the commitment to send an ADF liaison officer to JSDF Joint Operations Command (JJOC) once it is established in 2025.

Australia should continue the momentum of those announcements and focus on initiatives that build the people-to-people linkages.

Canberra should also offer Tokyo a permanent Japan-Australia Training Initiative located in the Northern Territory along similar lines to the long-standing Australia-Singapore Military Training Initiative (ASMTI) based in central and northern Queensland.

Under the ASMTI, Singapore has invested in the development and enhancement of two training areas in Queensland, owned and managed by Canberra. These will support future needs of the ADF and facilitate an increased presence of Singapore Armed Forces personnel. When the ASMTI reaches maturity, up to 14,000 Singaporean troops will train in Queensland for up to 18 weeks a year, split into two nine-week periods.

In deepening the engagement with Japanese forces, there will be political hurdles and challenges posed by public perception, but now is the time to think boldly and act quickly. Japan’s participation in US and Australian training in the Northern Territory has great potential to lead to a more extensive collaboration that’s beneficial to all parties.

Northern defence is getting more talk than action

There is a glaring disconnect between policy and practical action in the Northern Territory.

Focusing the Australian Defence Force on Northern Australia is a straightforward decision. The Defence Strategic Review, National Defence Strategy and Integrated Investment Plan all highlight the necessity of deterring potential adversaries from projecting power against Australia through our northern approaches. These documents also emphasise the need for a well-connected and resilient network of bases to enhance the ADF’s operational capabilities in the north.

But transport and port infrastructure still look inadequate, ADF forces in the Northern Territory are decreasing, not building up, and it’s not clear that the area has Defence and civilian capacity to cope with demanding military contingencies. This needs to be tested.

Australia and the United States have made significant investments in the Royal Australian Air Force’s Tindal base, near Katherine in the Northern Territory, recognising its strategic importance in the Indo-Pacific region. Australia has committed to further upgrading infrastructure and enhancing capabilities at Tindal, including for airfield operations and logistics support. Meanwhile, the US has bolstered its presence through initiatives such as increased deployment of aircraft and personnel, consolidating Tindal as a critical hub for regional security operations.

Despite these investments, questions remain about whether the base and connective transport and logistical infrastructure are sufficiently networked to ensure a robust response capability in the face of evolving geopolitical challenges. For example, it’s uncertain whether there are enough suitable trucks available to move fuels from Darwin to Tindal during periods of high operational tempo, or, without a rail link to the base, how munitions and other items can be brought from Adelaide to Tindal.

The ADF has recognised the need for enhanced training areas in the Northern Territory, spending significantly to ensure personnel are prepared for diverse operational scenarios. This includes expanding existing training facilities and developing new sites that exploit the region’s unique geographical features, allowing for more effective live-fire exercises and joint operations. However, the challenge remains that fewer, not more, Australian soldiers will be in the Northern Territory to fully use these enhanced training areas.

The Darwin-based 1st Brigade was once the most lethal formation in the Australian Army. In 2019, it was stripped of its tanks, armoured vehicles and mechanised designation as part of the army’s restructuring efforts.

All Darwin-based helicopters will have left by the end of 2024. The army is concentrating helicopters in Townsville.

In September 2023, the government announced army restructuring. The 1st Brigade was designated as a light combat brigade focussed on agility and deployment in the littoral environment. The Townsville-based 3rd Brigade was designated as an armoured brigade suiting amphibious operations with the Royal Australian Navy. Most of the army’s new amphibious vessels will be based in Townsville. The 1st Brigade’s amphibious vessels will be based in the already crowded HMAS Coonawarra in Darwin.

The army’s long-range fire capability, deterring potential adversaries from projecting power against Australia through our northern approaches, will confusingly be based in Adelaide. This is despite road and rail infrastructure between Adelaide and Darwin remaining unacceptably vulnerable to weather disruption. Moving by air is hardly an answer since airlift capacity never seems sufficient even in exercises, and Australia barely has any merchant shipping to call on.

The Royal Australian Navy has several vessels based in Darwin, including the Armidale-class patrol boats and the soon to commissioned Arafura-class patrol ships. The versatile Arafuras will bolster the navy’s capabilities in northern waters. However, the navy has limited moorings and options for supporting and rearming vessels in Darwin, Australia’s most northern deep port. Thus, the ships would all have to travel great distances from likely combat zones just to be combat ready once more.

There is a clear gap between the Northern Territory policy in the National Defence Strategy and action. While the US strengthens its presence and capabilities in the Northern Territory as part of its force posture initiative, Australia’s action is spending on bases and training areas.

There can be no doubt that Defence faces logistical and workforce challenges in the Northern Territory, and policy to address these comes with a price tag. Arguably, this is why, during a meeting in Hawaii earlier this year, a senior Australian defence official told US Army Pacific representatives that there was neither room nor industry-support capacity for them to preposition equipment in the Northern Territory.

For years, Defence has suffered from cultural resistance to being in the Northern Territory. It’s time to move beyond that.

The next step in continued implementation of the National Defence Strategy should be to hold a nationally coordinated, simulated stress test of the region’s Defence and civilian capacity to withstand a range of contingencies. The simulations should involve desktop exercises that access datasets from industry, state and the territory government. In addition to testing legal frameworks, strategic reserves, logistics and transport infrastructure, and force posture, attention should be directed to questions of time and space for responses.

 

Balancing justice and maturity: the contradiction in Australia’s youth crime and social media policies

According to current Australian political discourse, a 10-year-old is too young for social media, yet old enough to be imprisoned. This inconsistency should be a sign to policymakers that significant changes must be made to our youth justice system.

Australia is taking a prominent role internationally in the conversation about restricting social media use for children, particularly those under 16. It became a political issue in June 2024, when federal opposition leader Peter Dutton announced it as a key election commitment. Since then, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has championed the idea of setting a minimum age for platforms like TikTok and Instagram, citing concerns over social media’s impact on young people’s mental health and development.

When discussing social media, we appreciate the vulnerability of young people. Yet our northern jurisdictional debates on criminality and youth detention are very different: in Western Australia the age of criminal responsibility is only 10 years old, and currently the Northern Territory’s Country Liberal Party is proposing lowering the age of criminal responsibility to 10. Similarly in Queensland, the Liberal National Party opposition is advocating for ‘adult crime, adult time’, pushing for tougher penalties for youth offenders.

While these approaches tap into public frustrations about crime, they overlook the importance of addressing the root causes of youth offending. Early intervention, not harsher penalties, is the key to real change.

This is not to say that NT Chief Minister Lia Finocchiaro or Queensland opposition leader David Crisafulli intend to abandon early intervention strategies or aim to imprison young children. Both leaders have emphasised their commitment to implementing programs that address the root causes of youth crime. Nevertheless, their prioritisation of punitive measures will mean that youth detention becomes a default solution. Despite best intentions, children could end up funnelled into the criminal justice system, potentially leading to harsher outcomes rather than focusing on rehabilitative support.

The inconsistencies between the social media and criminal responsibility debates raise questions about how we view childhood maturity across policy areas; 13 to 15-year-olds are too immature for social media, but 10-year-olds can be fully accountable for criminal actions?

Studies show that children under 14 often lack the cognitive development to grasp the consequences of their actions and involving them in the criminal justice system can worsen recidivism. Youth crime is often a symptom of deeper social issues such as poverty, family instability and limited access to education or healthcare. First Nations children, who are disproportionately represented in the criminal justice system, face additional layers of disadvantage, including intergenerational trauma. Addressing these underlying issues demands a coordinated approach involving early intervention, community-driven solutions and sustained investment in social services.

Queensland has introduced programs aimed at keeping young people out of the justice system, but these have had mixed results, partly due to disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Many critical services, including foster care and mental health support, were paused, leading to gaps that exacerbated youth crime issues. While the state’s Community Safety Strategy seeks to rebuild these services, punitive measures such as tougher sentencing are gaining traction, risking a reliance on the criminal justice system.

Examples of successful community-driven programs, such as Youth Justice Conferencing in Queensland and justice reinvestment models from the Northern Territory, show the value of restorative approaches. However, without addressing broader social issues like housing instability and education, these gains will be short-lived.

The failures of youth justice policies can be traced to poor coordination and a lack of resourcing. While early intervention programs have demonstrated their effectiveness, they are often underfunded, especially in regional and remote areas. The availability of critical services, such as mental health care, housing, and education, is limited in these areas, undermining the potential impact of well-designed policies. Without adequate, long-term funding, many of these initiatives cannot deliver the sustainable change they promise.

What is needed is a whole-of-government approach that integrates health, education, housing and welfare services into a cohesive safety net for at-risk youth. In the Northern Territory, a region with complex and unique challenges, a one-size-fits-all solution is unlikely to work. Programs must be tailored to the local context, particularly for First Nations communities, and must involve sustained investment over the long term.

Crucially, raising the age of criminal responsibility to at least 14—as recommended by the United Nations—will ensure that young offenders are treated in ways that prioritise rehabilitation.

Governments at both the federal and state levels must ensure that resources are directed where they are needed most. Empowering local communities, particularly Indigenous leaders, to take control of youth justice in their regions will be key to success. By prioritising prevention, raising the age of criminal responsibility and investing in community-driven solutions, Australia can begin to build a justice system that supports young people rather than punishing them for life’s early missteps.

Social licence is key to building defence in the north

Defence must improve its social licence in the Northern Territory to operate more effectively and tackle under-utilisation and under-development of local capability. The increase in military investment and activities that is underway in the Territory provides an opportunity to shift the dial beyond simply generating more work for Territorians to building enduring partnerships between Defence and the local community.

In short, Defence must cooperate more closely with the north to improve infrastructure and supply chain resilience, as called for in the National Defence Strategy.

While current Defence spending contributes at least 10 percent of the territory’s gross product, the economic and social contribution of Defence and national security activities in the north remain under-recognised by local residents and operate below potential. Likewise, the capability benefits accrued from greater local integration of defence and security activities are being lost.

The $14 billion investment in northern Defence facilities, as outlined in the National Defence Strategy, presents a significant opportunity to embed Defence more firmly within northern Australia’s social and economic fabric. In turn, this would benefit defence capability, economic growth and social development.

The more Territorians see defence forces engaging with local businesses and workers, the more they will recognise Defence as a key part of the northern economy and communities. They will also welcome collaboration with Defence if it provides infrastructure and services that benefit everyone. They will be more understanding of the inconveniences that can result from defence activity, such as loud aircraft noise and traffic hold-ups behind convoys, and more likely to accept the trade-offs inherent in housing developments for defence personnel.

A partnership approach needs to go well beyond localising spending on defence construction projects. Defence capability must be built through improving local industrial capacity as well as expanding and upskilling the workforce.

Long-term commitments for collaboration must be pledged by Defence and the governments of the Northern Territory, Western Australia and Queensland. They must establish lasting partnerships that enhance local capacity, improve the effectiveness of defence industry and benefit local organisations and businesses.

There are many fields in which cooperation and collaboration could deliver sustained benefits.

To start with, Defence should build logistics bases in the north and employ Territorians, rather than establishing them in Victoria, which seems to be the preference.

Another area for collaboration is building resilient supply chains, which would benefit not only Defence capabilities but also local access to more reliable and affordable supermarket supplies. The north’s road and rail routes are vulnerable to disruption through extreme weather, accidents and pandemics, resulting in delays, shortages and higher costs. We need a balanced solution that includes the southern logistics node of Bandiana and serious assessment of a central node such as Alice Springs (used by a variety of airlines for storage during the Covid-19 pandemic), plus northern nodes that utilise available land in Greater Darwin close to bases, ports, airports and multi-user loading facilities.

Another area for greater collaboration is improving the north’s liveability. Defence forces in the north suffer high rates of transfer requests, resulting in loss of skilled personnel. Defence members and their families cite difficulties in spouse employment and inadequate defence housing, as well as poor access to and quality of education and health and family services. Some of these issues are improving, but others, such as air connectivity and affordability, are getting worse, and we must continue to lean in.

Defence and the north must also collaborate on building accommodation for the workers engaged in the construction of military facilities. Although many will be on short-term contracts, travelling from elsewhere in Australia, they still need quality housing. Authorities should reach out to local Darwin companies who have the means to establish off-grid, fully self-contained camps.

Greater engagement with First Nations people is also needed as defence capability is built across the north.

As the tempo of defence activities and multi-nation joint exercises continues to increase, so too will the need for enhanced medical services. Defence is already investing in day-to-day medical centres to care for Australian and foreign personnel. This has benefitted local healthcare through increased availability of defence-contracted medical personnel who want to remain current in community medicine. Investments must continue to be made in the north’s rapid medical evacuation services and critical care facilities.

There are good reasons why successful approaches to local procurement need to evolve further. A more collaborative approach between Defence and its contractors would better address the challenges in achieving on-time and on-budget delivery in the north. Defence must establish cooperation in the early stages of project design and throughout delivery and avoid adversarial relationships that can sometimes characterise traditional contracting.

The economic impact of greater local engagement is highlighted in a 2023 study by the Master Builders Association. This involves maintaining and growing the Northern Territory’s share of Defence contracts, continuing to improve contract conditions for local firms, and training more workers locally and attracting them from interstate. There also needs to be a strategy to engage Northern Territory firms in advanced manufacturing of equipment and parts.

Deeper collaboration with the north would not only strengthen Defence capability but also improve social licence with local businesses, communities and defence personnel, which in turn will help align them in supporting a stronger, more sustainable Defence presence in the region—a key direction of the National Defence Strategy.

 

Northern Australia needs sustained political commitment

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has made unprecedented financial and representative commitments to the Northern Territory, including the recent appointment of member of federal parliament Luke Gosling as special envoy for Northern Australia. This signals a strong intention to address the region’s unique challenges and opportunities.

Financial investment is not a panacea for the north: government funding must be strategically geared towards areas of genuine need. It is therefore crucial to establish sustained political commitment to the region, with shared priorities at the state, territory and federal government levels. This may be a formidable challenge, especially if  the three elections due to be held over the coming months bring changes in government.

The Albanese government’s commitment to the Northern Territory is exemplified in housing policy—a critical enabler for workforce expansion, skilled immigration and economic growth. In March, during his ninth visit to the Northern Territory as prime minister, Albanese committed $4 billion in joint territory and federal government funding to build 2700 homes in remote communities over 10 years.

The federal government also pledged a further $737 million for the Northern Territory’s public school system, with the aim of reaching 100 percent of the Schooling Resource Standard by 2029.

Successfully negotiating these funding packages is a significant achievement for Chief Minister Eva Lawler and her government, regardless of the outcome of the Northern Territory election on 24 August. Such strategic investments lay strong foundations for the territory’s future, addressing critical needs and promoting long-term growth. Irrespective of political alignment, the incoming government must build on Lawler’s successful negotiations and execute policies that will leverage these new investments.

However, funding alone is not enough. Investments in housing projects must be combined with a skilled workforce and a strong construction sector. Since Covid, Australia’s construction industry has experienced significant disruptions and surging business failures. More than 2000 construction companies have gone into liquidation since mid-2021, according to ASIC data. Rising material costs, supply chain issues and labour shortages have been the main reasons. The effect is compounded in regional areas with smaller workforces, as shortages pose a direct threat to the delivery of critical infrastructure, including housing. The next Northern Territory government will need bold new policies to complement funding and achieve tangible outcomes.

As Australia heads toward a federal election by May 2025, it is imperative that the government remains committed to current strategic investments and policies. Achieving tangible outcomes in the Northern Territory, and more broadly across northern Australia, demands bold new policies supported by strong federal government action and aligned investment. Whether these will be delivered in the upcoming Northern Australia White Paper Refresh is yet to be seen. This refresh will be a critical test of the government’s commitment to addressing the unique challenges and opportunities of the north, and it is vital for the sustained development of northern Australia, which is in the broader national interest.

As explored in my previous article, we are still far from reaching true representation for the region. Bipartisan support is needed for nuanced, tailored policies with a stronger emphasis on advocacy and representation for northern Australia. Representation must shift from an ad-hoc model to a permanent one, to ensure the north’s relevance is reflected in the federal agenda.

The recent appointment of Gosling as the Special Envoy for Defence, Veterans’ Affairs and Northern Australia signals the government’s recognition of the region’s importance. The role will help drive meaningful progress, but it also comes with substantial challenges. Gosling must balance the needs of northern Australia with those of defence and veterans’ affairs, which requires careful prioritisation and strategic thinking.

Nevertheless, Gosling is a well-considered choice, given his extensive background in, and deep connections to, northern Australia. He lives there, so he has first-hand knowledge of the region’s challenges and opportunities. His Bahasa Indonesian language skills and professional experience in Southeast Asia also mean he is well placed to represent the north in discussions with our closest international neighbours.

One of the most pressing challenges that Gosling faces is securing bipartisan support for the region’s initiatives. Federally, the Joint Select Committee on Northern Australia is an ideal mechanism for this. Gosling should advocate for the establishment of a standing committee to ensure sustained focus and accountability.

Collaboration with the first ministers of northern jurisdictions will also be essential in aligning state and federal efforts. The upcoming elections for the Northern Territory, Queensland and federal governments provide an opportunity for establishing meaningful collaboration. Incoming governments at each level must set new policy agendas for the north that can be shaped under Gosling’s leadership.

Working directly with Albanese and Minister for Northern Australia Madeleine King, Gosling is uniquely positioned to drive substantial impact. But his leadership will depend on his ability to navigate the complexities of both federal and regional politics, and to push for meaningful governance reforms that are long overdue.

All eyes will be on how Gosling steers his vital role. By leveraging his diplomatic skills, he could bridge political divides and enact real change in how northern Australia is governed. Bold and visionary leadership could transform long-standing aspirations into tangible outcomes. Peter Dutton and the Liberal National Party will also be closely watched, as their views and actions will be instrumental in shaping the bipartisan support necessary to build a bright future for northern Australia.