Tag Archive for: Mexico

Pandemic will force organised crime groups to find new business models

Around the globe, transnational serious and organised crime groups’ traditional business models are being disrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. Most of these groups are in uncharted waters.

Gareth Rice’s recent Strategist post, ‘Narcos in the time of Covid-19’, captures the diversity of criminals’ responses to Covid-19.

Organised crime structures and business models tend to be amorphous, which makes drawing general conclusions that encompass all groups—from Juárez to Hong Kong, and from London to Mombasa— inherently difficult.

Because of their very different structures, criminal groups’ responses to the pandemic have varied significantly. Among them will be winners and losers.

Rice’s assessment that ‘new restrictions on movement across international borders will test even the most resilient trafficking networks’, holds true for most groups, but not all. The global trade in synthetic illicit drugs illustrates this point.

For much of the past decade, Mexican cartels were the dominant organised crime groups in central and north America, especially for manufacturing, trafficking and selling illicit drugs. Those groups have regularly adapted to meet consumer demand and now dominate the market for a variety of drugs, including cocaine to fentanyl.

They have expanded their operations across the globe and integrated their supply chains with those of other groups.

The Mexican cartels’ domination of supply chains is likely to be substantially disrupted during the pandemic. Their access to cocaine from Central America and synthetic drug precursors from China will be severely constrained. While they will still have ample sources for black tar heroin and marijuana, their access to Northern American markets is problematic and will be increasingly constricted by reduced trade and people flows across the US border.

Without products to sell or access to markets, the cartels will be unable to maintain their international relationships.

Rice argues that to the keep money flowing in, ‘drug cartels may simply leverage their expertise in human trafficking and extortion’. But Mexico’s cartels would still face reduced access to markets in addition to a fall in demand. The demand for trafficked humans, in terms of indentured labour or modern slavery, in North America will likely be low for some time to come. And cartels attempting to move into human trafficking would face the same supply-chain problems as they do for illicit drugs. It’s unlikely that the increased use of violence by cartels will resolve either challenge.

The production and distribution of illicit drugs and their precursors in China have been constrained by national lockdowns. The Mexican cartels’ adoption of 21st-century ‘just in time’ global supply chains, and supply-chain integration with Chinese organised crime groups, have left them with diminishing access to the materials needed to manufacture drugs for their global markets.

But, while these shortages, along with recent seizures, may lead to a short-term reduction in drug supplies, that effect will be offset by groups in the special zones that work under a different business model.

In contrast with Mexican cartels, risk-averse organised crime groups operating in the Mekong region have maintained their stockpiling habits.

Authorities in the Mekong estimate that those groups’ precursor stockpiles could support industrial-level methamphetamine production for a further four to six months.

Over the next few months, the Mekong region’s organised crime groups are likely to cement their status as a global methamphetamine source. Their deep connections with the Chinese chemical and pharmaceutical industry and international markets will see them well placed to emerge from the pandemic as a dominant global organised crime force. In addition to dominating the global manufacture and supply of methamphetamine, these groups are likely to adapt and begin producing other synthetic drugs, such as fentanyl.

Law enforcement agencies should use this time to identify and disrupt the criminal groups that are likely to emerge from the pandemic as winners. At the very least, they should target groups producing and distributing fake and contraband medicines and medical supplies.

Until now, illicit-drug distribution in Australia has been unstructured and multilayered, with products moving from international wholesalers to importers and then through various domestic wholesale levels until they’re sold to consumers.

Covid-19 may generate the conditions for revolutionary changes to illicit-drug supply chains. In Bangkok, the sale of illicit drugs has moved off the streets because of Covid-19. Increasingly, drugs are ordered online and delivered by motorbike.

In Australia, the pandemic is likely to result in more direct links between international suppliers and domestic consumers. While ordering drugs over the internet isn’t new, the take-up has been low. The pandemic and the promise of contactless purchases are likely to result in greater engagement with a new online supply system.

That could produce substantial declines in bulk drug importations. Australia’s mail and parcel systems could soon be bombarded with an increasing number of micro-imports of illicit drugs.

Under current law enforcement models, small imports are unlikely to be investigated. Even if those cases are pursued, the result is likely to be a warning for the drug user whose package is intercepted or a fine. The international supplier might even offer a replacement given the small quantities involved.

Australia’s law enforcement model is focused on intercepting major imports on the assumption that large seizures are more likely to disrupt drug supplies and criminal groups. A change to targeting bulk micro-importations would demand all-new investigation methods, disruption strategies and case categorisation and prioritisation models.

Anticipating this development, the government should consider investing now to enhance the screening of cargo and parcels arriving in sea and by air.

Trump’s elusive border wall

President Donald Trump’s latest ploy to garner funding for a border wall between the US and Mexico was to try to impose a minimum 5% tariff on Mexican imports from 10 June. The move was intended to be used in Trump’s second-term bid to demonstrate that Mexico was paying for the wall—as Trump pledged it would during the 2016 presidential campaign.

However, Trump has now backed off on imposing tariffs—at least for 45 days—due to strident domestic criticism and because Mexico has agreed to try to stop the flow of Central American asylum seekers reaching the US southern border through Mexico.

Throughout his campaign, Trump boasted to supporters: ‘I would build a great wall, and nobody builds walls better than me, believe me, and I’ll build them very inexpensively. I will build a great, great wall on our southern border. And I will have Mexico pay for that wall.’

Of course, Mexico never had any intention of paying for the wall. (Trump, in his first phone call with Mexico’s then-president, Enrique Peña Nieto, actually implored Nieto to stop saying publicly that Mexico wouldn’t pay for the wall.)

Since gaining office, Trump has moved away from his concept of a great border wall (of the kind built by the Israelis) to a southern border fence of ‘artistically designed steel slats’.

Trump has also ‘clarified’ that his wall will only need to cover half the 3,200-kilometre coast-to-coast distance because mountains and rivers provide adequate coverage in some areas. It would also be an extension (and partial replacement) of the existing barrier that runs along part of the Mexico–US border.

Even so, a new barrier, at least 1,000 kilometres long, would be an immense and costly undertaking.

On 25 January 2017, Trump signed an executive order that formally directed the US government to begin constructing the border wall using existing federal funding. Construction didn’t begin due to the anticipated huge expense and concerns about who was going to pay for it.

Because of Trump’s declared intention to veto any spending bill that didn’t include funding for his wall, the US federal government was partially shut down for a record 35 days from 22 December 2018 to 25 January 2019.

Congress has so far approved US$1.7 billion in funding for less than 200 kilometres of new and replacement barrier.

Trump claimed in a national address on 8 January that a new wall was necessary to stop a ‘growing humanitarian and security crisis at our southern border’, involving ‘thousands of illegal immigrants’.

On 15 February, Trump signed a declaration of national emergency, saying that the situation at the southern border was ‘a crisis’ requiring money allocated for other sources to be used instead to build the wall. Congress passed a joint resolution to overturn the emergency order. In retaliation, Trump vetoed the resolution.

How valid is Trump’s claim that a border barrier is needed to enhance American security?

In 2018, the number of asylum seekers at the southern border was just under 400,000. This year, the numbers are trending up—presumably due to local perceptions of a declining security situation in Central America and concerns that the US might enforce tougher asylum restrictions.

Although Trump blames a porous southern border for the large number of ‘illegals’ in the US, the reality is that most of these people are legal entrants who overstayed their visas—more than 700,000 of them in 2017. Canadians were the largest group of overstayers.

Narcotics entering the US from Mexico mostly come in through official points of entry concealed in vehicles.

As for the terrorism threat, perpetrators of terrorist attacks in America have entered legally by aircraft or ship, or by road across the Canadian border. None have come in from Mexico.

Estimates of the cost of the new border barrier demanded by Trump range from US$12 billion to US$70 billion. US Customs and Border Protection says on average it costs US$6.5 million per mile (or about US$4 million per kilometre) to construct a new border wall or replace existing fencing.

Even then, unless the barrier was monitored 24/7, people would get over it, through it, or under it.

A further complicating factor with building a new barrier is that two-thirds of the US–Mexico border runs along privately owned or state-owned land, and the US government would need to acquire land through ‘eminent domain’ purchase, or seizure, to build a border fence. That process could take years of complex litigation—as was the case with the existing barrier.

Trump will, as usual, manipulate the facts to suit his case, but it’s clear that a border barrier of the kind he originally promised his supporters is never going to happen.

‘El Chapo’ is on the run again: should Australia be concerned?

Mexico City from the airport

On 11 July, Joaquin ‘El Chapo’ Guzman, the Mexican drug lord and leader of the Sinaloa cartel—arguably the world’s most powerful drug syndicate—escaped Altiplano maximum security prison in Mexico after being arrested in February last year for a second time.

Surprisingly, this wasn’t Guzman’s debut escape from a Mexican prison. Previously captured in 1993, Guzman first broke out of jail in 2001 in a laundry cart. This time, a 1.5 km tunnel took him directly from his cell’s shower block to the streets of Mexico. More than a month after an unfruitful manhunt, the Drug Enforcement Administration has established a tip line, believing Guzman is still in Sinaloa.

The last time he escaped prison, Guzman was determined to use his vision and innovation to dominate the US illicit drug market. With that under his belt, expansion seems a no-brainer for a savvy illegal entrepreneur such as ‘El Chapo’. Guzman has Australia in his sights and its lucrative drug market is a temptation.

Worryingly, it’s not just drug prices enticing Guzman to reach Australian shores. Aussies’ love affair with drugs helped to earn the nation the title of the world’s top recreational drug users in 2014. According to this year’s UNODC World Drug Report, Australia makes the top ten in drug use per capita in every drug type including cocaine, marijuana, ecstasy and Amphetamine-Type Stimulants (ATS).

Guzman’s criminal organisation sells more drugs today than Pablo Escobar’s Medellin cartel did in its best days. The Sinaloa cartel supplies nearly one quarter of all illegal drugs into the US. It’s the largest methamphetamine and marijuana supplier to the US market, and one of the largest of cocaine. Its estimated profits reach US$3 billion per year—an income that surpasses some African nations’ entire GDP.

Guzman understood early in his career that his drug business wouldn’t be sustainable if it was exclusively cocaine and marijuana-driven. Trading crystal methamphetamine gave ‘El Chapo’ an advantage over his competitors, and now he controls 80% of the US’ ‘ice’ market.

The Sinaloa cartel was the first to design and construct tunnels into the US to smuggle drugs. It also had family members hired as US border agents, and has even used catapults to transport narcotics across high-tech fences at the US–Mexican border.

With evidence that there’s only two drug cartels left operating in Mexico, Guzman’s organisation has distanced itself from violent domestic competition, and is moving towards building international tactical alliances. Fighting former President Felipe Calderon’s war against drugs tested Guzman’s business resilience, but not without financial cost. With a high level of financial incentive here in Australia, Guzman’s profit-driven criminal organisation has sufficient reason to gravitate towards the land down under.

The Sinaloa cartel’s presence in Australia is progressively seen through the proliferation of ‘ice’. In an earlier Strategist post, I highlighted concerns about the increasing internationalisation of ‘ice’ trafficking in Australia. More recently, the UNODC’s The Challenge of Synthetic Drugs in East and South-East Asia and Oceania (PDF) reported Mexican drug cartels’ links to the growing ‘ice’ trade in Australia. In addition, last year, Australian Crime Commission CEO Chris Dawson stressed his concerns about organised criminal groups increasingly targeting Australia—with particular reference to Mexican ones.

Australia’s reputation as a distant market is a thing of the past for Latin American drug syndicates. Our illicit drug market is increasingly tangled in a vast and complex global network where channels for drug supply and demand mingle. The driving forces behind the Sinaloa cartel constitute a significant threat to the nation.

Guzman has been successful exploiting free trade agreements to move his products across borders. He understands that where free trade goes, drugs can follow. The free trade agreement between Canada, Mexico and the US demonstrates this. Mexico and Australia are expected to strengthen their trade flow via the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement in the near future. Thus, while some are wondering what the TPP can deliver to Australia, drugs could unintentionally be one of the items on the list.

The good news is that Sinaloa’s cartel isn’t a distant target for Australia’s law enforcement agencies anymore. Joint operations have led to increasing Mexican-originated drug seizures and drug syndicate disruptions on Australian soil. But, under our new border model which rather than a physical line our border is a continuum that stretches from overseas to our maritime zones and our domestic environment, rapid response enforcement and interdiction must place precedence on tackling drug trafficking before it reaches Australian shores.

The Australian Border Force (ABF) now has a more active role in delivering on national, international, regional and local border protection, law enforcement and national security priorities. As such, Guzman’s intentions to set his flag in Australia must spark a re-thinking of how our border protection international engagement is prioritised, implemented and assessed in order to prevent an influx of narcotics from international drug syndicates.