Tag Archive for: Japan

Australia’s strategic policy after the northern tour

Prime Minister Tony Abbott in China

In its first few months in office, a combination of rookie errors and challenging circumstances gave the Abbott government’s international policy a shaky start. The PM’s declaration that Japan was Australia’s best friend in Asia showed a lack of diplomatic finesse, while the government’s handling of the Snowden leaks made something of a mockery of the Coalition’s intentions to prioritise good relations with its near neighbours. Critics who’d labelled Abbott out of his depth in foreign and strategic policy seemed to be on to something.

After nearly seven months in office, the Coalition’s foreign and strategic policy is beginning to coalesce. Abbott’s remarkably successful three-country tour of Northeast Asia shows the government’s approach to Asia is beginning to take firmer shape. In particular, we can now see clearly the course it’s trying to navigate in its dealings with Asia’s major powers. Read more

Globalisation and war: examining the mechanism

The China Marine Surveillance cutter "Haijian 66" and the Japan Coast Guard cutter "Kiso" confront each other near the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. Will trade and investment connections and the economic imperatives of both governments prevent conflict?

Charles Miller offers an excellent overview of the large-sample econometric debate among political scientists about whether globalisation can reduce the possibility of war. I’d like to build on his post by digging a little deeper into the theoretical debate and expanding on how policymakers should approach this question in the context of Asia.

A good place to start is to ask how globalisation—taking as Charles does, the proxy of trade—might prevent conflict.

Scholars such as Oneal and Russett (cited by Charles) who say that trade is a force for peace start from the observation that armed conflict inevitably reduces (if not stops) trade between the belligerents, and potentially their trade with third parties. That imposes high costs on domestic economic actors. Firms can’t export their goods, consumers can’t enjoy imports, jobs are lost and the economy suffers. The key pillar of the argument is that political leaders—the ones making decisions about whether to fight—are sensitive to those costs, and that will temper their belligerence. Read more

ASPI suggests

Commander Submarine Forces, US Pacific Fleet, Rear Admiral Phillip Sawyer. Image credit: Luke Wilson, ASPI

It was submarine-mania at ASPI this week with our international conference ‘The Submarine Choice’ held 9–10 April. And we’d like to extend a big thanks to all—speakers, sponsors, participants and venue staff—who made it a big success. Our speakers included the Minister for Defence Senator David Johnston (full speech here), Chief of Navy Vice Admiral Ray Griggs (full speech here), Commander US Pacific Fleet Admiral Harry B. Harris Jr (full speech here) and Commander Submarine Force US Pacific Fleet Rear Admiral Phillip G. Sawyer (pictured), who said:

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Cyber wrap

First up this week, a recent global BBC poll has shown that a majority of people believe the Internet has brought both greater freedom and, perversely, increased government surveillance. Conducted in 17 countries around the world, the poll is being released as part of Freedom Live, a day of broadcasts on the World Service that asks what it means to be free. Interestingly, countries that like to think of themselves as bastions of freedom and democracy, like Germany and the US, had the lowest number of respondents (36% in the US) who felt free from government surveillance online. On the other hand, when the pollsters asked the same question in China and Russia, a large majority (76% in China) answered that they felt free from online surveillance.

‘APT will not be about the big-ass machines; it will be about the little,’ Dan Geer said of Advanced Persistent Threats. It seems that he has been on a roll; Jack Goldsmith at the Lawfare blog has collated three recent speeches by the cybersecurity ‘maven.’ In one speech on cybersecurity trends at the NRO IT conference last November, Geer makes the rather sobering observation that ‘the Internet will never again be as free as it is this morning’. Read more

Tony Abbott goes north

Tony Abbott’s first trip to North Asia as Prime Minister will have a strong business and trade flavour. He will be accompanied by a phalanx of business heavies and state and territory leaders. The business focus is appropriate: Japan, South Korea and China represent 40% of Australia’s total two-way trade, worth over $250 billion. But much of the background atmosphere of the visit will be connected to the region’s increasingly sharp-edged strategic competition. Relations between China and Japan and South Korea and Japan are as poor as they have been in a generation. Territorial disputes over rather underwhelming rocks and islands pit increasingly assertive military and para-military forces against each other, fuelled by social-media driven nationalism. Most recently, the MH370 disaster has shown the ineffectiveness of regional cooperation. North Asia is an increasingly bolshy place and therefore a rather difficult destination for a newish Prime Minister.

How can Tony Abbott steer Australia’s interests through those choppy shoals? The Prime Minister’s late March address to the Asia Society in Canberra sets out his desired parameters for the visit. As expected the emphasis is heavily on trade and on the mutually beneficial value of maintaining stability as an essential foundation for growth. There is no reference to Japan as being Australia’s ‘best friend in Asia’, rather the more tightly-scripted line that ‘Australia’s friendship with Japan has been one of the most mutually beneficial bilateral relationships in global history.’ On China, the PM says: ‘It’s hard to overstate the importance and the strength of Australia’s relationship with China.’ So the speech carefully avoids language which might imply a ranking of Australian regard. Abbott says: ‘My message is that making new friends doesn’t mean losing old ones.’ That’s tough when the old friend and the new friend don’t get along, but on this visit a key aim will be to avoid giving the impression that Australia will concede on one relationship in order to please another. Read more

Should we worry about China’s defence spending?

Cadets of the Peoples LIberation Army Armored Forces Academy listen to Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta speak in Beijing China, Sept. 19, 2012. Panetta visited Tokyo, Japan before continuing to Beijing and traveling to Auckland, New Zealand on a week long trip to the Pacific. DoD photo by Erin A. Kirk-CuomoChina has once again raised its defence spending by a double digit percentage. There’s nothing new about that; the average rate of growth since 2002 has been 14.6% according to official figures. Usually, the annual announcement of yet another hike is met with mild interest here in Australia. This year was a little different.

ASPI’s executive director (my boss) Peter Jennings reckons that this ‘presents a challenge for Australia around making sure that we’ve got our defence policy settings right, and that we’ve got the right amount of defence expenditure, and we’re not being complacent’. Neil James, Executive Director of the Australian Defence Association, said we need to ‘upgrade navy and air force capabilities—whose contribution would be most important in any regional conflict’, though not at the expense of the army. Read more

Multilateral disaster relief efforts – not as easy as you might think

U.S. Marine Corps Lance Cpl. Garrett Williams, attached to a Combat Logistics Regiment 3, clears debris during Operation Tomodachi in Noda, Japan, April 1, 2011. More than 80 Sailors, Marines, Airmen and civilians from Misawa Air Base, Japan, participated in the cleanup operations. Operation Tomodachi was a multinational effort coordinated with Japan to respond to a magnitude 9.0 earthquake and a tsunami that struck northern Japan March 11, 2011. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Matthew Bradley/Released)

Today marks the third anniversary of the 9.0 magnitude earthquake that struck northeastern Japan, triggering a tsunami that caused widespread damage, including the meltdown of three of the six reactors at the Fukushima nuclear power plant. Only about 100 people died in the earthquake itself, (because of the earthquake-resistant design of many buildings), but almost 20,000 people lost their lives in the tsunami. It was also the most expensive disaster in human history, causing losses of $360 billion. As we remember Japan’s terrible losses, today’s anniversary also reminds us that the Asia-Pacific is the most disaster-prone area in the world.

On the weekend I was at a workshop in Singapore organised by the US National Bureau of Asian Research and the Japan Center for International Exchange on regional disaster management. It was part of a project to develop a US–Japan alliance approach to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), badged by the sponsors as the ‘Strategic Assistance’ concept. I was asked to give my views on the proposed concept of closer US–Japan HADR operations in south and Southeast Asia. Read more

When making up is hard to do

Peace?

From London to Davos to New York, the new year has seen China and Japan stepping up their war of rhetoric. Writing an op-ed in Britain’s Daily Telegraph, Liu Xiaoming, the Chinese ambassador to Britain, likened Japan’s militarism to Voldemort, the arch villain in J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series. In a subsequent commentary, Mr Liu’s counterpart Keiichi Hayashi gave as good as he got, saying that China, not Japan, risked playing Voldemort, by ‘letting loose an arms race and an escalation of tensions.’

In Davos, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said that Japan’s relationship with China was ‘similar’ to that between Germany and Britain at the cusp of WWI. The comments drew a quick riposte by a Chinese academic, who argued that Mr Abe was the ‘troublemaker’ and compared him somewhat obliquely to North Korea’s Kim Jong Un. The verbal sparring continued at the United Nations, with China arguing that Mr Abe had ‘closed the door to dialogue with China’ with his December visit to the Yasukuni Shrine. Read more

Japan’s first National Security Strategy

Takeshima islands

Last month, the Japanese government released the country’s first National Security Strategy (NSS). For Australia, this strategy is of considerable interest now that Japan’s seen as our ‘best friend in Asia’ and a strong ally. To others, the document is important given ongoing disputes between Japan and China. It covers a range of issues, but China clearly dominates current Japanese security thinking and is really what the NSS is all about.

Like its American equivalent (PDF), the Japanese NSS adopts a grand strategy approach. The ‘ends’ sought are to stop China from changing the present international order in Northeast Asia. The ‘way’ is a denial grand strategy that tries to shift the relative power balance to be more in Japan’s favour. The ‘means’ are through a whole-of-government approach that favours the diplomatic, military and informational instruments of national power. In terms of resourcing, the NSS stresses building legitimacy and strengthening Japan’s soft power.

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Decoding the Defence Minister: getting serious about Asia

Johan Baptist Homann - Map of Asia (c 1700)Last week, Defence Minister David Johnston spoke at ASPI’s National Security Dinner. As usual, security pundits and journalists read between the lines of the Senator’s speech in terms of deeper meanings for Australia’s strategic and defence policy. As Patrick Walters points out, one message was particularly clear: finding more money for Defence will remain a serious challenge for the Abbott government. (That won’t surprise Mark Thomson.) However, for me the Minister made a second, equally important point: Australian defence policy needs to get serious about the strategic challenges in Asia and that requires a greater focus on where the real strategic action is, i.e. in North and Southeast Asia.

The previous government’s line was that as the Afghanistan operation was coming to a close, Australia could ‘rebalance’ to its immediate neighbourhood (South Pacific, Timor Leste and Indonesia). The 2013 Defence White Paper readjusted the strategic narrative and not only downplayed Australia’s strategic engagement in North Asia, but also provided a more optimistic outlook of the security environment as well as the implications of China’s rise. It concluded that the best way to face increased multipolar strategic competition was to focus on improving defence infrastructure in Northern Australia, increasing regional defence engagement, and selectively bolstering ties with the United States.

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