Tag Archive for: future frigate

Are Defence’s shipbuilding job numbers all shipshape?

‘I’m also very confident in terms of the methodologies that have been developed and refined over the course of many of these projects and I’m very confident in the fidelity of the data that we have.’

— Minister for Defence Linda Reynolds, Supplementary budget estimates hearings, 29 November 2019

The October and November 2019 Senate estimates hearings for the Department of Defence followed a familiar pattern: extended discussion about the number of Australian jobs associated with projects for building and sustaining naval vessels and an outcome that did little to clarify many, or even most, of the numbers involved.

To begin with, there was considerable confusion at the hearings about the meaning of key indicators of employment. ‘Direct jobs’ cover the people employed by prime contractors and their subcontractors, working in dockyards or associated facilities. ‘Indirect jobs’, sometimes described as ‘flow-on jobs’, consist of jobs supporting the provision of all other Australian inputs along project supply chains.

But projects also generate jobs in other areas of the economy. One category that wasn’t mentioned at the hearings is ‘consumption-induced jobs’, which are jobs created in businesses that sell consumer goods and services to people working on projects. The skills associated with those jobs can differ markedly from the skills required for naval shipbuilding and sustainment.

Another category is jobs that come from spillovers. A ‘spillover’ is a new technology or skill created by a project that other areas of the economy use to generate employment of their own. Because that employment is extraordinarily difficult to quantify, it’s not covered in Defence’s job figures. At the hearings, that point wasn’t made as clearly as it might have been.

Not surprisingly, direct jobs are often estimated by prime contractors. But neither a prime nor Defence normally has insight into the far reaches of supply chains and beyond, especially during the early phases of projects. Consequently, indirect jobs tend to be estimated initially using economic models and refined later as more project-specific data becomes available. Consumption-induced jobs are estimated solely through economic modelling.

Senators at the hearings were interested primarily in two sets of job numbers covering direct and indirect employment for shipbuilding and sustainment—one for 2025 and the other for all years of Defence’s naval shipbuilding plan expressed as an annual average (see table 1). For both sets, the data provided by Defence falls short of what’s required for adequate coverage and categorisation.

Table 1: Shipbuilding and sustainment jobs by key category


n.a. = not available.
* The precise figures for direct shipbuilding jobs in 2025 are difficult to determine, partly due to confusion about whether the correct year is 2025 or 2026. At the October hearing, a figure of 5,200 was initially provided for 2025 (page 15 of transcript) but later increased to 5,800 (page 16). The latter figure was made up of 5,200 for the future frigates and future submarines and 600 for the Pacific patrol boats and offshore patrol vessels. However, further testimony from Defence (pages 73–74) indicated that in 2025 the future frigate program (1,452) and future submarine program (1,341) would together support 2,793 direct jobs rather than 5,200—suggesting that either the 5,200 figure was incorrect or Defence had defined direct shipbuilding jobs to include additional project-related activity like facilities construction or sustainment.

There are three additional limitations to consider. First, Defence’s figures include a substantial number of jobs carried over from previous projects. That obscures the all-important issue of how aggregate employment numbers will change. Carryover is especially significant for sustainment—a problem that also applies to recent official announcements on job creation for military vehicle assembly.

Second,  the annual averages for shipbuilding are based on the implicit and untested assumption that companies constructing the Pacific patrol boats and the offshore patrol vessels will secure equivalent follow-on work in the medium to long term.

Third, Defence said at the October hearing that its estimates of indirect jobs contain supply chain jobs only. Relevant economic modelling suggests those figures also incorporate a substantial consumption-induced employment effect, at least for larger build projects (see table 2). Consumption-induced jobs add to employment across the economy—but not in naval shipbuilding and sustainment.

Table 2: Ratio of direct to indirect jobs in naval shipbuilding and sustainment


n.a. = not available; n/a = not applicable.
* Weighted average.
Sources:
1. ACIL Tasman, Naval shipbuilding and through life support, report to Australian Industry Group, 2013, 17.
2. BIS Oxford Economics, The economic contribution of BAE Systems in Australia, 2018, 24.
3. Department of Defence, Building submarines in Australia—aspects of economic impact, 2015, 5.
4. Figures based on contribution to Canada’s GDP for all Canadian defence industry, not just shipbuilding. Binyam Soloman and Christopher E. Penny, ‘Canada’s defence industrial base’ in Keith Hartley and Jean Belin (eds), The economics of the global defence industry, Routledge, 2020, 445. Data also available here.

 

If those three limitations hold, I estimate additional or ‘new’ jobs will account for around one-third of the total number of jobs that naval shipbuilding and sustainment are expected to support in the period ahead. That support covers an estimated 15,000 jobs, measured on an annual average basis. The remaining two-thirds consists of numbers for jobs carried over from previous Defence projects, in serious doubt or created in non-defence areas of the economy. All those figures are maxima since they exclude the impact on national employment of the economic costs associated with paying for and resourcing projects.

There was also some confusion at the October hearing about a total job figure for the future frigate build of 6,300 attributed to former minister Christopher Pyne. That figure is substantially higher than Defence’s current figure of 4,000. The department claims that the difference between the two figures is attributable to the Pyne figure including consumption-induced employment.

An alternative, and perhaps more likely, explanation is that the 6,300 jobs relate to 2028—the project’s first year at peak production—and that Defence’s figure of 4,000 is an annual average ‘smoothed’ across peak and non-peak levels of project activity. The problem of Defence juxtaposing annual average data and peak annual data extends to the department’s testimony in October that direct jobs for the future frigates of 1,500 (an annual average figure) will approach 2,500 (a peak annual figure) by 2028.

Finally, taken at face value, Defence’s estimates paint a picture of job creation that’s counterintuitive: the future frigate build generating many more jobs than the much larger future submarine build (see table 3).

Unfortunately, that’s difficult to assess without additional data including an indication of each project’s Australian content. The assumed levels of domestic content underpinning Defence’s job estimates for most build projects weren’t presented at the hearings and haven’t been disclosed elsewhere.

Table 3: Comparison of job creation for future frigates and future submarines


n.a. = not available.
1. Estimates vary of the Australian content associated with this project, from a 50% minimum, to 58% contracted, to 65–70% predicted by the contractor (see Senate estimates, 5 April 2019, answer to question on notice 43).
2. The spend period of 2018–2048 was used by BIS Oxford Economics, The economic contribution of BAE Systems in Australia, 2018, 22, to estimate employment for the future frigates.

Is this the near future of Australian naval shipbuilding?

This is an exciting time for Australian naval shipbuilding. Two patrol vessel programs are underway, the Anzac-class frigate midlife capability assurance program (AMCAP) is completing the first of eight ships, and Hunter-class future frigates are to start construction in 2020, running into the 2030s for nine frigates. The air warfare destroyers are joining the fleet, while in the submarine world both the Collins-class life extension and the Shortfin Barracuda projects are generating a lot of commentary but no construction contracts yet.

ASC Shipbuilding’s program of three air warfare destroyers is winding down. To retain skilled staff, the company started building its first offshore patrol vessel in mid-November 2018. It will build one more at Osborne in South Australia before 2020, when construction of the remaining 10 OPVs will move to Civmec at Henderson in Western Australia, to be completed by 2030.

BAE Systems at Henderson has just refloated the first AMCAP upgraded frigate, HMAS Arunta, for tests and sea trials. All eight Anzac frigates are expected to have completed their AMCAPs by 2023, and some will remain in service until 2032 or longer.

On 30 November 2018, Austal delivered its first Guardian-class patrol boat to Defence, which immediately handed it over to representatives from the Papua New Guinea government. Twenty-one new patrol boats will be handed over to South Pacific countries by 2030.

This rather dry recital of current surface ship construction projects ignores the programs to extend the Collins-class submarines beyond their first notional retirements until operational capability is reached in the future submarine project, however that plays out. There will be continuous submarine building at Osborne from 2022. Full-cycle docking and life extensions for the Collins boats will probably move completely to Henderson in the early 2020s. So where is this post leading?

Apart from annual maintenance activities, surface naval vessels typically remain in service until their half-life platform, sensor and weapons upgrades after around 15 years in service. By 2030, the Guardian-class patrol boats and the new OPVs will have half-life upgrades some years off. The air warfare destroyers might start their upgrades in 2033, while Anzac frigates will be being decommissioned and Hunter-class frigates will be years away from their half-life upgrades.

So, unless export opportunities open up, will the surface naval shipbuilding program be a bubble that bursts in 2030 with only new frigates and submarines being built?

Is the only answer export, as recent examples of export funding assistance for Austal and CEA Technologies show, until serious mid-life upgrade business becomes available around 2035?

Right now, the best export opportunities appear to be for patrol boats (witness the Australian sales campaigns by Austal in Trinidad and Tobago, and Lürssen in the Philippines).

Australia’s future frigates took nine years to get from white-paper concept to the Hunter-class contract in 2018. Defence Minister Christopher Pyne has said that Australia’s defence attachés need to be our eyes and ears on the ground looking for prospects now, but of course with no responsibility to represent specific companies or designs.

As The Strategist’s defence editor, Brendan Nicholson, wrote recently, the best opportunities may be in supply chains for global shipyards in both new construction and sustainment. The Defence Global Competitiveness Grant program announced in January is a good example of helping small and medium enterprises go global.

There’s another significant factor to consider. Large surface warships may be on the way out, apart from a few required for expeditionary warfare, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, diplomatic visits and showing the flag. The US Navy is investing in unmanned maritime vehicles such as the Sea Hunter. The future may well be with some surface warships supplemented by ‘mother ships’, like Boeing’s Echo Voyager 15.4+ metre unmanned underwater vehicle, providing command and control (C2) for fleets of autonomous underwater, surface, land and aerial vehicles.

I attended November’s Autonomous Warrior 2018 exercise at HMAS Cresswell in Jervis Bay, which featured Five Eyes community technology and inputs from Australia’s defence industry. There was an opportunity to review, with Professor Jason Scholz, head of Defence’s Trusted Autonomous Systems CRC, realistic prospects of ‘ubiquitous C2’ being achieved by 2035. By this, Scholz meant similar and significant C2 capability on every platform in each physical domain, to achieve mass-scale manoeuvre and robustness.

Real progress is being made by Five Eyes countries through their Technical Cooperation Program—nine major technologies have been incorporated within the program over the past two years.

What could this mean for Australia’s future submarine capability?

One crystal-ball viewing suggests that all six Collins-class submarines will get one or more life-of-type extensions of at least 10 years each time. Naval Group’s $4 billion design contract will be completed, and just two or three Shortfin Barracuda submarines or several ‘sons of Collins’ will be built later this century. Relatively low-cost and highly capable large autonomous underwater and surface vessels will take over most of the intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, mine countermeasures, and even attack roles of the large manned submarines.

In case of trouble, send a frigate

To provide context for the recent frigate announcement, we asked the Naval Studies Group at the Australian Centre for the Study of Armed Conflict and Society at UNSW Canberra to provide an overview of the roles the vessels will undertake. The following piece is excerpted from a longer paper, available here.

When the future frigate program is finished, its nine Hunter-class vessels will be Australia’s largest fleet of big warships. So they’re likely to be involved in every type of maritime activity the Royal Australian Navy undertakes, from warfighting in an Australian or coalition task group, to independent maritime security operations and diplomatic visits.

The chosen design is focused on the core task of anti-submarine warfare, but it has capability across warfare disciplines and the full spectrum of operations that Australia requires its navy to undertake.

The most demanding role is likely to be warfighting as part of an Australian task group, operating in a contested environment against a capable opponent and engaging in multiple concurrent activities, such as theatre anti-submarine warfare, information warfare, integrated air defence and amphibious operations.

The future frigate will be expected to be able to contribute to the air surveillance task (it will have a version of the Australian CEA radar), to defend itself against attack by aircraft and missiles, and to act as a goalkeeper or close-in escort for high-value units such as the RAN’s amphibious assault ships and auxiliary oil replenishment ships against such threats from the air. And it will also be expected to be able to play a similar role as part of a combined task group when operating with American or other coalition forces.

Fortunately, Australia’s frigates have been called on to conduct or prepare for only a few warfighting operations in recent decades: the 1991 and 2003 Gulf Wars and East Timor in 1999. But there’s a constant demand for constabulary and diplomatic operations, ranging from counter-narcotics operations in the Caribbean and arresting illegal foreign fishing vessels in Australia’s Southern Ocean exclusive economic zones off Heard and MacDonald Islands, to search-and-rescue operations throughout Australia’s area of responsibility.

In a diplomatic role, Australia’s frigates have visited allies, neighbours and partners in Asia, the Middle East and occasionally Europe, Africa and the Americas. The consistent theme is that a frigate is (and must be) effective in situations where the circumstances are difficult enough that no other arm of government can operate.

Australia’s most enduring maritime security commitment has been patrols in the Red Sea, Arabian Gulf, Gulf of Aden and Northeast Indian Ocean. Since 1990, Australia’s frigates have been part of United Nations efforts to enforce sanctions against Iraq, anti-piracy operations to protect international maritime trade and, more recently, counter-narcotic operations targeting terrorist funding networks. The deployments have routinely been for six months or more.

For most of the past two decades, sustaining the Australian commitment to have a frigate on station has required three or four frigates at various stages of maintenance, training and deployment. To maximise the time available for operational output, the future frigate will need to be as efficiently maintained and upgraded as possible. Keeping the future frigate combat-ready will also require enduring integration with the national naval enterprise to enable rapid incorporation of technological improvements.

The current frigates have also been involved in security operations around Australia’s maritime approaches. While patrol boats and, in future, the offshore patrol vessels, will remain the mainstay of this work, a future frigate will still need to be able to conduct such operations, particularly when they need to be sustained over long periods of time. That means the future frigate will need to have a high level of endurance, which will be achieved by designing in and providing for a combination of steaming range, consumable stores such as food, and sufficient crew to operate effectively in demanding circumstances over extended periods.

The larger hull planned for the future frigate by comparison with its predecessors will make it possible to have a wider operational envelope, particularly for air operations, which will also confer improved warfighting capabilities. The generally improved seakeeping of a larger vessel will also allow it to operate in the Southern Ocean if required.

The search-and-rescue operations in the Southern Ocean (HMAS Darwin in 1994–95, HMAS Adelaide in 1997, HMA Ships Perth and Toowoomba in 2014) and the patrols for illegal foreign fishing vessels  (HMAS Anzac in 1997 and HMAS Canberra in 2002) are further examples of the operations Australia’s frigates have undertaken. At the time, the frigate was the only option available to the Australian government that combined the availability, endurance, speed, capacity to use calibrated levels of force, and seakeeping ability to operate in some of the roughest oceans in the world.

While large civil patrol vessels are now available in the Australian Border Force, they lack significant warfighting capabilities, so a future frigate will still be required to have the ability to be safe and effective in rough conditions to provide the full range of surface response options.

Frigates have also been used when diplomatic initiatives needed to be conducted in a safe, neutral environment. In that context, HMA Ships Sydney and Newcastle contributed to the peace negotiations in Solomon Islands in 2000, providing a sovereign Australian venue (and an imposing physical presence) proximate to another country.

Innovative and imaginative use of spaces (flight decks, hangars and cafeterias) allows a frigate to be an effective agent of the Australian government’s diplomatic engagement. It also enables a frigate to contribute to humanitarian and disaster relief, as HMAS Darwin did in 2016 after New Zealand’s Kaikoura earthquake and HMAS Swan in the Philippines in 1991.

If not now, when? The ANAO’s reporting on defence megaprojects

The Australian National Audit Office’s public assessments of the health of major Department of Defence projects are invaluable—but the fact that the ANAO isn’t yet reporting on the $80-billion future submarine program or the $35-billion future frigate program means that it’s missing the boat.

ASPI has noted on numerous occasions in recent years the decline in transparency regarding Defence’s investment program. This has reached the point where it’s impossible to even know which projects the government has approved, let alone their budgets, schedules or risks.

The one shining exception to this has been the ANAO’s major projects report, published annually since 2008–09, which is based on Defence’s own project reporting. As ASPI has previously noted, the MPR is about the only place the public can get information directly from the coalface of Defence. It includes not just reporting on budgets and expenditure and progress against schedules, but frank assessments of risks and the measures adopted to address them.

However, the MPR has limitations. It includes only 25 or 30 of the hundreds of projects conducted by Defence’s Capability Acquisition and Sustainment Group (so it has no ICT or facilities projects, which spend billions of dollars of public money). Moreover, the guidelines for MPRs (endorsed by parliament’s Joint Committee of Public Accounts and Audit) state that a project can only be included a year after it receives second-pass approval.

This latter point is fundamentally problematic. Over the next few years, it will make the MPR miss the largest programs in Australia’s history.

One of the key judgements of the First Principles Review of Defence was that the department was too focused on process at the expense of outcomes. To address this, Defence has developed a new capability life cycle that’s risk-driven instead of process-driven. The approach, agreed by the Prime Minister’s Department and the Department of Finance, is now in place.

While milestones such as second pass (or Gate 2, as it is termed in the capability life cycle) still matter, the focus throughout is on identifying risks and managing projects in a way that’s commensurate with those risks. And as Defence moves from lots of individual projects to fewer, larger programs, what ‘second pass’ might mean becomes unclear.

Despite this, the ANAO seems to be stuck in the previous process-driven model where milestones matter more than risks.

The ANAO’s reporting criteria mean that the two biggest projects in Defence’s history—SEA 1000 (future submarines) and SEA 5000 (future frigates)—are not included in the MPR. This is not an oversight. According to advice from the ANAO, there are no plans to include them in the 2017–18 edition to be published later this year. But the scrutiny provided by the MPR is warranted for those projects right now because:

  • according to the 2018–19 Defence portfolio budget statements, the funding approved by the government for SEA 1000 is already over $2.2 billion (which Defence can commit and spend)—that, by itself, would put it on the cusp of the top 10 approved projects
  • waiting for the submarine project’s second pass may be like waiting for Godot, because the megaprojects are going through incremental approvals. Is second pass when the preferred designer/builder is chosen? That has occurred already for the submarines and will happen any day for the frigates. Is it contract signature? For which contract, given there are many in the submarine program? The submarine design mobilisation contract has already been signed. The design contract should come soon (with further billions of approved funding). And that could be followed by a number of construction contracts—for the first boat, then for the rest of the first tranche, and later for further tranches. Where in that lengthy, incremental process is the ANAO planning to start covering the future submarines?
  • basic data for SEA 1000 isn’t public and what’s there is a little fuzzy. I’m not aware of any agreed date for initial operating capability, the point at which the government and Defence get the first usable military capability. It now appears that when Defence says the acquisition cost is >$50 billion, it actually means a number closer to $80 billion. One wonders what that means for the future frigates’ $35-billion budget
  • the risks around SEA 1000 are here right now, so public and parliamentary understanding of this megaproject is needed right now. Signature of the strategic partnering agreement, the overarching head contract governing the entire program, appears to be sliding (although from when to when isn’t clear—see previous point). And according to Naval Group Australia’s recent Senate evidence, without the agreement Naval Group and Lockheed Martin, the combat system integrator, can’t share information, making progress on design work challenging
  • as the ANAO itself has reported, Defence’s own risk assessments of aspects of the shipbuilding program were in the ‘extreme’ category.

So the fundamental question for the ANAO and the JCPAA is: If not now, when?

One could argue that the ANAO’s performance audits of aspects of Defence’s capability program—such as its review of mobilisation of shipbuilding and its earlier audit of the submarine program’s competitive evaluation process—do the job. There’s certainly no denying that that work was valuable and ASPI and Senate committees have drawn upon it. But there’s no substitute for having detailed, accurate project data updated over time that allows everyone to see what’s going on and to make up their own minds on how projects are tracking.

If it’s a matter of resources, it’s pretty straightforward to make an argument for prioritising coverage based on risk and cost. The ANAO could also stop covering projects in the MPR that are near their end and no longer face substantial risks. That would free up the office’s resources to cover the projects that involve truly significant risks and huge investments.

For example, the 2016–17 MPR still included projects such as SEA 1439 Phase 4A (Collins replacement combat system), which was originally approved in 2002. As at June 2017, it had spent $437.1 million (or 97%) of its $450.4 million budget, and only $2.5 million in expenditure was programmed for 2016–17. With five of the six Collins boats completed, the sixth close, and the combat system performing well, it wasn’t surprising that no significant risks remained.

Which projects would you rather see the ANAO cover? It’s time to revisit the process-focused selection criteria and instead look at cost and risk.

Is it a ship or a network?

The government is weighing up its options when it comes to the anti-submarine warfare (ASW) capability requirements for the forthcoming decision on Project SEA 5000—the multi-billion dollar future frigate project.

The proliferation of submarines in the Indo-Pacific certainly warrants close attention being paid to this decision. For starters, we need a clear understanding that ASW is about much more than just what can be expected from one ship, no matter how sophisticated the fit-out. But who understands this esoteric field?

For many of us, the Cold War thriller starring Sean Connery, The Hunt for Red October, and the German-language movie set in World War II, Das Boot, conjure up the classic image of how submarines are hunted. The hunt is as much about human acumen—the ship captain versus the submarine captain—as it is about technological capability.

The image, often enough, is one of ships with sonars and depth charges chasing submarines while the submarines maintain their stealth until they fire a torpedo (or missile).

Necessity is the mother of invention, we’re told, and wartime necessity drove a spiral of development in detection technology and countermeasures in a ‘hider–finder’ competition. The development of surface electromagnetic detection was followed by sonar and other acoustic and magnetic-anomaly detection systems that, when combined, limited the effectiveness of submarine attacks.

But times have changed. The one-on-one hunter–killer scenario we sometimes think of from World War II or early in the Cold War is no longer what can be expected.

Now, submarines are even harder to detect and, as a result, the World War II concept of a single ship hunting a submarine is of limited utility. That’s because—in the case of a one-on-one situation, with only on-board sensors available to conduct detection work—the submarine would always have an advantage.

Building on evolved capabilities, ASW today involves coordinating a suite of networked sonar and electromagnetic sensors aloft, on the surface and underwater to detect, track, deter and potentially attack hostile submarines.

Active sonar is important to detect submarine threats within range, but also to degrade the submarine’s effectiveness since it will wish to stay out of detection range. Passive sonar has some merits, but a modern submarine will almost always have a detection range advantage over a ship.

Modern-day ASW harnesses a disparate array of complementary technologies installed on a variety of underwater, surface and aerial platforms that, when combined, provide a form of corroboration—or triangulation—to identify what’s otherwise an increasingly stealthy platform.

This means that ASW today isn’t the purview of a single ship performing blue-ocean searches for the wayward submarine. Anti-submarine warfare is based on coordinating sonar and electromagnetic sensors from aircraft, helicopters and ships, as well as a range of semi-autonomous, unattended systems, to detect and track their targets.

This networking of capabilities is known as sensor netting and cooperative engagement. The key role of an ASW ship is to protect the other surface vessels working as part of a team. Its greatest value in that regard is its presence, in particular its optimised sensors and multi-mission capability.

The variety of assets available not only helps to provide complementarity, but also allows for a degree of redundancy of sensors. In an age of emergent swarms of platforms, networked weapon systems and the rise of artificial intelligence, there’s added urgency for plans to be developed that take this complexity into account.

What this means is that cutting-edge ASW is basically moving from being largely platform-intensive to being based around a wide range of orchestrated assets operating as a networked array of systems working with a common purpose.

What is more, nowadays the requirement isn’t so much to be able to detect and possibly defeat a potentially adversarial submarine. Rather, particularly in scenarios short of declared war—as has been the case in many post–World War II conflicts to date—the ASW force must be able to constrain the freedom of action available to adversary submarines and, in effect, to scare them away and thus render them ineffective.

The Royal Australian Navy (RAN) and the Australian Defence Force (ADF) should be mindful of the complex and complementary array of sensors and related skills required for effective ASW operations. And when picking an appropriate ASW platform, decision-makers should be mindful of the suite of complementary elements that constitute a modern ASW capability.

There are implications arising from these observations for the future frigate decision. The chosen vessel needs to be seen not just as a stand-alone platform, but as part of a networked suite of capabilities, including those found in other naval platforms and in other armed services, coalition forces and other national technical collection means. It must not be only interoperable with the wider RAN and ADF, but also able to operate with various new and emerging systems such as aerial and underwater drones in future years.

ASC: to sell or not to sell, that is the question

Image courtesy of Flickr user Tax Credits

We need to consider the future position of ASC. The recent announcements on submarines and naval shipbuilding have resulted in a marked increase in the clamour around a potential sale of the Adelaide-based naval constructor. Laura Tingle in the Australian Financial Review has suggested a sale may be under consideration as the value of ASC has gone up considerably since the SEA 1000 announcement. Kym Bergmann has also raised the same question in the Asia Pacific Defence Reporter.

The impetus for this renewed interest in the potential sale of ASC is obviously the continuity of work that the shipbuilding and submarine decisions provide to the company. This is a step-change from the position in 2014–15 when it wouldn’t have been possible to give ASC away given the ongoing problems with the Air Warfare Destroyer together with the political furore over ‘canoe-building‘ hovering in the background.

It seems that anything with a value in the Australian defence industry space needs to be sold off, but is that the best way forward?

The case for selling is that ASC currently has value—and why not strike while the iron is hot? Apart from getting ASC off the Government’s hands and out of the political spotlight this is the only reason—apart from more ideological arguments about the operation of the free market, and what role the government should play in the national economy. Selling ASC can therefore be quantified by the price that a potential buyer might be willing to pay, or the Government might be willing to accept. Loading up ASC with shipbuilding and submarine contracts for the next 40–50 years has increased the potential price immeasurably.

The negative side of the ‘sell-or-not-to-sell’ equation is sovereignty. The facilities at Osborne are strategically important and valuable to Australia. At the moment, as a Government-owned enterprise (issues of management aside) the Government enjoys the highest level of sovereignty over those facilities. That sovereignty currently provides almost unlimited choice with respect to investment, development and utilisation of the facilities, but ASC operates with benefits not available to, or affordable by, other commercial entities in Australia. The capabilities and skills resident in ASC are also strategically important and valuable. Preservation of that sovereignty is important particularly in the ability to maintain and upgrade maritime forces but doesn’t necessarily rest solely on ongoing government ownership.

The options on the future ownership of ASC are therefore (in increasing order of priority):

  1.       Maintain Government ownership but lease the facility for submarine and/or shipbuilding. This option could require ASC to be split (again) into separate submarine and shipbuilding entities, with separate leases for each activity. Under such an arrangement the Government would retain sovereignty over the facilities, but would be removed from the day-to-day operational aspects. This could be expected to improve efficiency (given that the leasee would most likely have management expertise and a background in ships and/or submarines), but could restrict the potential for ASC to grow into other industrial areas. Such an agreement would also need to consider who pays for infrastructure upgrades over the life of the lease.
  2.       Maintain ASC as a Government-owned operation. Under this option significant effort would need to be made with respect to management and overall efficiency, and discrepancies in the market due to issues such as worker entitlements would need to be removed so that the playing field were levelled. ASC would also need to overcome the current ‘cargo-cult’ approach to business development and start to conduct itself along more commercial lines, rather than just wait for work worth nearly $1 billion a year to be handed out from Defence.
  3.       Sell ASC, but place conditions on the sale so as to restrict the amount a foreign entity could procure, and to ensure that majority ownership remained in Australia. Such an approach has been used previously in the sale of Qantas, and is needed to ensure continuity of sovereignty over the infrastructure, not just over the contractual activity.

A complicating factor in this is the current situation with the AWD program, and how the current project risks are handled. A sale/lease that doesn’t include AWD in the mix becomes incredibly complex and messy. A delay until Sydney is complete and in service will mean that the optimum time to address the ASC ownership issue may have passed. Another complicating issue is the decision to build the first two OPVs at ASC in that the sale/lease for the shipbuilding aspects is likely to include the intellectual property of multiple companies.

In summary therefore, although its future has been secured by Government announcements, ASC is at a crossroads. Recent decisions on ships and submarines has increased the value of the company and the initial reaction may be to sell the company in two tranches to the designers/builders of the Future Submarine and Future Frigate.

The issue of sovereignty is a key factor in the assessing the value of ASC and this needs to be a fundamental consideration in determining the way ahead. Whatever the future form, ASC’s infrastructure and capabilities need to remain under Australian control.

Form follows function

Image courtesy of Department of Defence

In ‘The expanding of the shrew’ Andrew Davies offered up an interesting view of warship nomenclature and why the future frigate should be classified as a cruiser because the displacement for the vessel could be around 6,000 tonnes. That view is mistaken; the future frigates are accurately described as such and to do anything else would be misleading.

Why? Simply because the terms used to classify warships are a description of function more than form.

The modern usage of the term ‘frigate’ dates from WWI, when it was used to describe a warship primarily used for convoy escort—a task which required general maritime warfare functions and anti-submarine warfare capabilities in particular. Leaving to one side the USN’s excursion with the term up to the 1970s, the function of a frigate has been consistent for the last 100 years.

(If you want some truly elastic uses of warship nomenclature, have a look at the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force’s most recent helicopter destroyers. Or for those with a more historical bent, try the Royal Navy’s through deck cruisers in the 1970s. If only deception were such a simple activity!)

There are two other common contemporary terms used to describe large surface warships; cruisers and destroyers. The destroyer dates from just prior to the First World War and is a shortened version of a torpedo-boat destroyer. A destroyer also has general maritime warfare capabilities, weighted toward surface and air warfare. A cruiser is similar, but with the addition of command and control capabilities that enable effective command of other warships in at least one warfare discipline. It isn’t that frigates and destroyers are incapable of command and control functions—all warships possess them in varying degrees—but a cruiser would be expected to be able to perform the command function in a large carrier or amphibious task force. Yes, a destroyer or frigate could do it, but they would be much less likely to have the equipment (communications in particular) and the people to be as effective as a cruiser.

The terms cruiser, destroyer and frigate thus describe the functions of the warships. While some general assumptions can be made about the form required for such functions, there’s no prescriptive relationship. Certainly displacement or any other physical measurement isn’t a definitive guide to the way a warship is classified.

The form a warship takes to achieve its function is a much more dynamic subject. Warships do indeed evolve over time as technology, threats and opportunities change. It would be strange if a frigate today was the same as one from 50 or 100 years ago. Such evolution isn’t constrained to warships: infantry, tanks, aircraft, industrial equipment, missiles, computers, cars, phones and innumerable other organisations and devices have also evolved in their form, while their function has been more stable.

A significant question for the future frigate is how they’ll incorporate some of the more likely evolutions in warfare over the next decades, such as expanded uses of unmanned vehicles and directed‑energy and cyber weapons. It’s here some of the most significant benefits of Australia’s continuous ship-building program will be found because it involves a continuous design effort. The first batch of future frigates will likely be similar to warships already in service, but future batches will incorporate more advanced weapons and systems as they become available.

Warship and submarine design are complex activities, with numerous constraints ranging from financial to practical and technological. There’s an unhappy history in Australia of focussing on warship displacement as a proxy for cost. It would be a shame if Australia’s future frigate design was constrained by a dogmatic view of what the displacement of a frigate should be. Aircraft aren’t classified by their wingspan, nor should ships be classified by displacement.

Understanding the difference between form and function enables us to understand why a frigate designed to operate for one navy in the North Sea may well be different to one designed to operate for another navy in the Indian or Pacific Oceans. So two warships of quite different size and capability might still be classified as frigates. But then, I’m sure Andrew isn’t calling for a one size fits all approach.

In one sense the warship nomenclature is an arcane subject, not likely to be of interest to many ASPI Strategist readers. But I’m guessing that Andrew’s enduring concern over the value for money might be at the heart of the matter. Cost is absolutely an issue worthy of close attention, because money is never unlimited and choices within and between capabilities must be made. Costs must be understood in terms of the value of the capabilities being purchased; we should have a value-driven approach to acquisition and force structure. I think Australia will need and derive great value from its surface warships, from its submarines, from its F-35s and from its future land forces.

Submarines and ships—building, building, building!

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A significant amount has been written about the looming defence maritime mega projects—SEA 1000 (Future Submarine) and SEA 5000 (Future Frigate). Each of these projects has been subjected to intense scrutiny due to the Abbott Government’s seeming original pre-disposition to transfer all manufacturing overseas, and a slow, painful walk-back to a more sensible position for an in-country build. Both of the projects are currently subjected to a Competitive Evaluation Process (CEP) as the means to determine the way forward—but the structure and nature of the CEP is vastly different for each project.

In a recent post on The Strategist, Mark Thomson discussed the strategic merits of the Japanese option for SEA 1000, and the potential fallout irrespective of what decision is finally made. The Frigate decision, when it comes, is unlikely to bring such pain to the Government as it hasn’t been subjected to (unspoken and undeclared) previous commitments. SEA 5000 also differs from the Future Submarine in that it unambiguously seeks to institute a continuous naval shipbuilding enterprise in Australia.

What seems to be overlooked in the consideration of these two large and expensive projects is that we aren’t simply buying a platform, or a capability. What’s at stake is the selection of a strategic dance partner for the next 50+ years. As such, the tender evaluation processes and considerations may not apply in the normal way (even though Defence is doing a good job with maintaining probity and transparency for the contenders), and the political aspects of both decisions are likely to be larger than any technical or cost considerations.

If we were to adopt a strategic lens through which to view these competitions, the clear favourite for SEA 5000 would be the UK’s Type 26 general purpose frigate. The other serious contender might be a reworked Air Warfare Destroyer from Navantia due to the ability to build on the hard-learnt lessons from the AWD Project, but this wouldn’t bring the same strategic benefits.

Selection of the Type 26 would utilise existing substantial and mature intelligence links, allow Australia and the UK to plan further enhancements to the ship in a collaborative manner, potentially develop a mechanism for the exchange and cross-fertilisation of design and other project personnel, and enable the RAN and RN to jointly develop tactics and exchange operational information. As both Australia and the UK are members of the ‘Five-Eyes’ community all the above will utilise information exchange links developed over decades, rather than having to implement them. None of the other contenders for SEA 5000 provide such a broad and deep collaborative environment. Such a decision would also draw upon many years of RAN/RN cooperation, including a degree of commonality in ship fighting and crewing philosophies.

The issue of SEA 1000 isn’t so clear cut when viewed through the strategic lens, although the Japanese option would appear to be the winner. The French bid for SEA 1000 recognises the importance of the strategic aspect, and promotes the value of regional cooperation and collaboration. One interesting development in the Future Submarine contest is the recent Prime Ministerial announcement for implementation of a ‘2+2’ strategic dialogue with Germany involving the Defence and Foreign Ministers from each country. Whilst this will deepen Australian-German relations in the longer term, it’s unlikely to influence decisions that are required in early 2016.

Selection of Japan as the strategic partner for submarines would bring strategic benefits and strategic risks. As others have commented, it has the potential to make a clear statement how we see the future strategic makeup of the Western Pacific, how it’s important that we work to ensure that China plays within the accepted international behavioural norms, what sort of future we value, and the importance of Japan in that world as it ‘re-emerges’.

The risky side of the equation is however considerable, and includes the not-insignificant risk of drawing adverse comment and reaction from our most important trading partner. Also on the risk ledger is that this is new territory for Japan, and the domestic appetite for this new, more forceful, world outlook isn’t universally accepted and a new Government may revert to a more pacifist agenda. Given that Japan hasn’t exported military hardware to date, the risks associated with culture, language, corporate management and industrial philosophy cannot be overlooked.

However, the key in both these projects is the strategic benefit of the partner country over the entire journey, not the technical or operational benefit of the specific platform, and my money is on Japan (SEA 1000) and the United Kingdom (SEA 5000).

Sea Control by coincidence: how merchant ships survive without help from the Navy (part 2)

2nd Class Trevor Dixon, assigned to the “Golden Eagles” of Patrol Squadron (VP) 9, checks sonobuoys on a P-3C Orion maritime patrol aircraft during a routine training exercise.

In my earlier article, I argued that Australia’s most important sea-trade during a time of crisis in Asia is likely to be high-value, low-volume importation of machinery and industrial equipment from Europe and North America. That trade would benefit from our southern ports’ proximity to the vast expanses of the Indian and Pacific Ocean, giving it good odds of surviving ‘by coincidence’, as an enemy couldn’t effectively patrol such an enormous expanse of water. I posed a secondary question about what role the Navy, and ships in particular, can play to enhance or guarantee this coincidence, which I’ll answer here.

It’s best to start with the obvious caveat to the coincidental sea control. That is, how do we protect the areas around our ports, where all the dispersed routes converge and a single nuclear submarine—or the mines laid by one weeks or months earlier—could wreak havoc on our trade?

This is a specific capability requirement, and apparently not one which has gained a lot of attention from the RAN. It requires thoroughly sanitising a well-defined body of water from a particularly specific sort of threat, quite close to home, around the clock, for potentially years on end. Most navies (ours included) are proud to be tasked with meeting an undefined threat in any body of water thousands of miles from home, when and if a crisis occurs. That’s what ships are for.

But that isn’t the sort of sea control which actually keeps our economy alive, which is what retired rear admirals, as well as the Defence Minister, and an opposition spokesman are all arguing we need ships for. For that, we need highly effective and ongoing localised anti-submarine sea control for a couple of hundred miles around our largest southern ports. This is the best way to ensure that critical supplies of machinery and parts can flow in from Europe and America with a very low risk of being stalked and sunk by submarines (or their mines) as they enter or depart our ports from and to the open ocean.

Currently our most effective anti-submarine warfare (ASW) capabilities are essentially limited to sensors (sonobuoys and dipping sonars) deployed by aircraft, long-range patrol aircraft like the P-3 Orions, or the Seahawk helicopters. (Curiously not the ships themselves, though they can embark a helicopter, but wouldn’t need to around a port). But even then, to keep enough sensors in the water consistently enough to prevent a submarine laying mines around a port, or tailing a departing freighter, we’d need to have four or five times as many aircraft. And to operate them for a year to maintain enough buoys and dippers in the water to cover the few hundred thousand square kilometres, the operating costs would run into the tens of billions.

Is there any hope? There should be. If sonobuoys could stay on station much longer before sinking, perhaps by using solar or wind energy, and cheaper over-head communication relays (such as kites or blimps) could be used to gather their data, deployment costs could be brought down drastically. Similarly, a small surface vessel (potentially unmanned) could operate a dipping sonar, and wait on station for far longer than a helicopter while consuming minimal fuel. A few shore-based helicopters and maritime patrol aircraft could be ready to pounce as well if the surface-based sensor network gets a contact.

So where does that leave ships, if our core economic interests are best defended by a dense local network of buoys and boats that can be largely supported from shore? If designed well, the ships that our Navy will inevitably require for other constabulary, diplomatic, and low-intensity warfighting purposes could have a constructive overlap with this task.

Fortunately, all of the most informed and influential defenders of our need for ships, particularly James Goldrick and Peter Jones, are shifting some attention onto the swarms of dispersed off-board assets that they might deploy to be able to engage threats at closer range. This line of thinking, focussing on dispersing assets away from the ship, rather than welding more high-power futuristic weapons to its decks, has merit and deserves more attention. In particular, if chosen carefully, there’s a good chance that off-board ‘swarms’ deployed by frigates could also be excellent at local area anti-submarine patrols around ports.

If RAN wants to maximise that opportunity and avoid the complications the Littoral Combat Ship has faced in getting their ‘modules’ deployable in time to meet their ships, they’ll shift their focus further towards what these swarms might look like, rather than the Frigate itself. Defining these assets will circumvent enormous difficulties in the future, and also mature a capability that genuinely contributes to our economic security by defending our Southern ports.

First, it’s crucial we recognise that sea control isn’t a binary thing that will be lost in totality the moment a crisis occurs, and hence abandoned forthwith as a priority. Nor does the mere existence of a ‘robust surface force capability’ in our Navy bestow sea control, like some national honour or club membership, on our trade in all places at all times. Sea control can happen with no effort at all in some places, and be impossible despite all efforts in others. Unless we can have a more specific discussion about the local and temporal limits of what sea control we need, and what sea control we can achieve, I fear, as Hugh White does, that our ship-building efforts could be wasted.