Tag Archive for: electricity

Nuclear electricity supply would be less vulnerable to attack than renewables

Renewable energy generation is not as robust in the face of enemy attack as it looks. Nuclear power, even though it would probably be concentrated in a few large generating stations, should in fact be a little more dependable in wartime.

This warrants careful consideration, because an enemy may choose incapacitation of electricity supply to pressure Australia into cease fighting, just as Russia has repeatedly attacked Ukraine’s power generation and distribution system.

Yes, solar and wind electricity generation is dispersed into many units of modest output, each relatively uneconomical to attack, as Chris Douglas points out in an article in The Strategist. But supply-firming installations, such as batteries and peak-demand generators, are not as numerous and can be targeted instead. Moreover, renewable generation is just as reliant on a limited number of key transmission lines and substations in the distribution grid as big power stations are.

Also, whether an enemy would take the huge step of attacking nuclear power stations is doubtful.

How easily an enemy could cripple electricity supply can be analysed in terms of the criticality of points in the system, their vulnerability and their recuperability.

Consider a hypothetical but plausible case in which seven nuclear power stations have a combined capacity of 11 gigawatts. Each is critical, because losing its output would cause great economic disruption. But the same applies to supply-firming installations that back up renewables. Australia’s eight largest planned firming installations have a capacity of about 11 gigawatts, so the concentration of supply in critical assets is quite comparable in the nuclear-generation and renewables-generation scenarios.

As for vulnerability, concentration of generation capacity in nuclear stations would simplify protection with air and missile defences. In the all-renewables scenario, defences would instead cover the largest firming assets, but we would have to accept risk with the remainder.

If an enemy overcomes air and missile defences and scores hits, nuclear power stations may actually be less vulnerable than the equivalent firming assets, because they are necessarily built with impressive, passive defensive and protection measures. To achieve a high probability of kill our adversary would likely need to increase the volume or yield of the missile attack.

Now, penetration of the containment building is likely to knock out the station out regardless of damage to the reactor, because cooling systems, heat exchangers or condensers will likely be damaged. But a catastrophic release of radiation is less likely. And in fact the more vulnerable part of the station is the adjacent turbine hall. But it would be no more vulnerable than firming installations—gas or hydro power stations or large lithium batteries.

Then there’s the question of recuperability—how quickly installations can be brought back on line after damage. In the nuclear-generation scenario, reactor damage would be catastrophic and take months to years to recuperate. But, as noted above, it would be improbable, and the more likely problem would be damage to ancillary systems, turbines or the station’s transformers. They could be fixed or replaced in about as much time as the turbines or transformers of firming installations could be, and possibly faster than an array of large lithium batteries. Note that replacing ancillary systems, turbines and transformers would not be far from current Australian manufacturing capabilities.

So, in both nuclear-generation and renewable-generation scenarios there is risk in concentrated sources of electricity, but on balance the nuclear set-up is not appreciably worse and may even be better.

Regardless of the means of generation, the main vulnerability is in the distribution network. While renewable generation assets are numerous, they are also functionally useless in isolation: the system works only if networked together so that when the sun isn’t shining in Queensland, for example, the South Australian wind can take up the slack.

There are about 305 substations across the National Electricity Market, and destruction or disablement of only the four main interconnector transmission lines is likely sufficient to splinter the system. Destruction of only eight substations is likely to isolate the main generating regions from the capital cities, regardless of how much renewable capacity there is.

Substations, being compact and not particularly robust, are also much more vulnerable to attack. Vulnerability will rise in the renewable-generation scenario. Because renewables capacity is often built far from demand, the distribution grid grows, increasing the area to be protected, and relying more on internet enabled control systems. This increases vulnerability to additional attack vectors, including cyber and sabotage. The protection against this may be far more draining on limited national capabilities.

The distribution network would be relatively recuperable, because replacing a transformer is a simpler task than repairing a turbine or pressure vessel. US experience tells us that the job typically takes eight to 35 days. But the sheer ease of re-attack and quantity of targets may exhaust our stock of repair or replacement components quickly. Similarly, trying to protect each node with surface-to-air systems would exhaust our available forces.

Lastly, it should be pointed out that targeting nuclear power stations has been deliberately avoided by both sides in the Ukraine war, and it is beyond dispute that attacks on nuclear facilities in any conflict would be regarded as escalatory. While non-binding common practice should not be used as a mitigation in its own right, it adds a degree of complication to the enemy assessment.

Nuclear power stations may actually be the safest, and most defendable part of the electrical system.

Challenges to achieving energy resilience and continuity of supply in Australia

Australians with more than a passing interest in the supply of electricity can’t have missed the media attention and ongoing political engagement on the findings of Australian Chief Scientist Dr Alan Finkel’s recently released review of the Australian electricity market. The review delivers a blueprint for enhancing the market for domestic electricity, but there’s more to energy security than the ‘market’ itself.

It’s interesting to note that the trigger for Dr Finkel’s review was the storm-related loss of power across most of South Australia on 28 September 2016. In a press statement following the ‘black system’ event, the prime minister was unequivocally clear that ‘energy security should always be the key priority’. The relationship between energy policy and national security, however, is complex.

The centrality of energy to Australia’s economy has been evident for some time. The foreword to the 2015 Energy White Paper proclaims that ‘Australia is a growing energy superpower’. Our energy sector underpins our economy, secures our standard of living and drives our international competitiveness. It also underwrites our stature in the global economy.

The 2015 Energy White Paper, however, was issued without the completion of a contemporaneous National Energy Security Assessment (NESA). The most recent NESA was released in 2011, and the next is due this year (2017), well after the publication of the white paper. That’s a concerning delinking of policy from up-to-date security assessment.

Consideration of such energy issues is not new. In 2007, ASPI published Power plays: energy and Australia’s security, which argued that the energy ‘shock’ that existed at that time was substantially different from those that had occurred in earlier decades.

The 2007 report found that Australia was in the enviable position of being dependent on imports for less than a quarter of the energy it consumed, which led to an understandable tendency for Australian governments and society to be more sanguine about energy security than many of the other countries of the Asia–Pacific.

However, Power plays specifically cautioned against discounting the importance of wider contexts of energy security, which include competition for energy sources and market dominance, threats to supply chains and related infrastructure, accidents and the impact of natural disasters.

The reality of these factors combined with the findings from the recent review of the National Electricity Market form an important line of demarcation between the old and the new. The future side of that line needs to be viewed against a backdrop of technological and market disruption, along with ever-growing degrees of geopolitical uncertainty.

In this environment of volatility and change, the continuity of our energy supply will require adaptation to disruption and continuing regulatory reform. It’s not enough to rely on traditional supply-chain management in existing markets as the only lever of energy security.

Ensuring continuity of domestic supply means that Australia must adapt to global variations in demand with minimal disruption. Effective levels of adaptability and agility will require different forms of analysis and attention than has been evident across the public-sector policy domain. A critical factor enabling achievement of energy resilience at a national level is the comprehensive analysis of vulnerability within and external to Australia’s energy ecosystem.

The ecosystem construct encompasses the interdependencies of modern systems of infrastructure and includes energy components from generation, transmission and usage. Also important is the realisation that certain high-value energy resources enter the ecosystem through global supply chains.

Developing a new approach to assessing the vulnerability and continuity needs in Australia’s complex energy supply chains requires consideration of a range of influences. According to the World Economic Forum, these might include:

  • technological innovation
  • resources, climate management and security
  • efficient governance
  • geostrategic competition
  • demographic shifts
  • social cohesion and trust
  • hybrid and asymmetric threats.

Enhanced resilience for energy systems isn’t an ephemeral concept; it’s a pragmatic goal that requires a comprehensive understanding and appreciation of the challenges of managing complex technical systems and the nature and sources of disturbances that can occur and that are likely to occur. A detailed discussion of the challenges to achieving energy resilience and continuity of supply are included in an upcoming special ASPI report to be published in August.

While the 2015 Energy White Paper hailed the promise of a bright future for Australia as a major supplier of energy, the path to realising that superpower status might not be an easy one.

US Navy railgun: do sailors dream of electric cannons?

Image courtesy of the US Department of Defense

There’s renewed interest of late in the US Navy’s electromagnetic railgun. Plans to perform at-sea weapon testing appear to have been delayed in favour of further research. So, while development will probably continue, there are still two major problems holding the railgun back. The first is meeting the weapon’s massive power requirements at sea. The second is demonstrating that it’ll be ‘better’ than existing weapons.

The railgun launches rounds using electromagnetic force rather than explosive propellant. The USN prototype has 100MJ of pulse-power capacitors and a 25MW powerplant for recharging. The capacitors release their stored charge into the railgun barrel in a hundredth of a second, accelerating the projectile to about Mach 6. The USN’s goal is to fire ten rounds per minute, so the capacitors need to be recharged to fire every 6 seconds.

Few warships have the spare electrical capacity the weapon requires. The strongest candidate is the USN’s Zumwalt-class destroyer, whose 78MW integrated power system can dynamically distribute power between propulsion and on-board systems. It should have about 58MW of reserve power while steaming at 20 knots. By comparison, the Arleigh Burke-class destroyer has only 7.5MW for on-board systems.

The USN previously had several nuclear-powered cruisers, but the last were decommissioned in the 1990s. A new class of nuclear-powered warships could host multiple railguns (or other power-hungry weapons). But before the USN commits the kind of money required, it has to prove that the weapon is worth the investment.

There are three main roles envisaged for the railgun. The first is naval surface fire support—essentially artillery support for land operations. The Zumwalt’s 155mm Advanced Gun System (AGS) is also optimised for this role, using the rocket-assisted long-range land attack projectile (LRLAP).

The LRLAP is almost ten times the cost of a railgun hypervelocity projectile (HVP), but doesn’t match the railgun’s expected range. The HVP can also be made compatible with both the AGS and the 5-inch guns on USN’s cruisers and destroyers. Table 1 shows the estimated outcomes of this effort, although it doesn’t take into account the terminal effect of the munitions.

Table 1: Comparison of possible naval gun combinations

Gun system Ammunition $US per round Range (km) Rounds/min.
AGS LRLAP 400,000 116 10
AGS HVP 50,000 74 10
5-inch Conventional 2,000 24 20
5-inch HVP 50,000 74 20
Railgun HVP 50,000 185 10

Sources: US Navy Budget 2017 and CRS report: Navy Lasers, Railgun, and Hypervelocity Projectile

The HVP is a 10kg kinetic energy round, which means that the damage it does depends on its impact speed. A Tomahawk land-attack cruise missile packs a 450kg high explosive warhead, has a range in excess of 1,500km and costs about US$1.1m apiece. The USN has plenty of Tomahawks and efforts are underway to make them anti-ship capable. As well, the USN’s new-generation anti-ship cruise missile (LRASM) is stealthier than a Tomahawk, has a ship-penetrating warhead, and still has a range in excess of 900km.

That’s bad news for the railgun, since its second envisaged role is as an anti-ship weapon. The railgun’s range is only useful in anti-surface warfare insofar as it can actually hit a moving target, and the HVP needs to hit with sufficient kinetic energy to do real damage. By comparison, a single LRASM is probably enough to at least mission kill most targets.

If hitting a moving ship wasn’t tricky enough, the USN is also hoping that the railgun will be able to defensively shoot down anti-ship missiles. The USN has surface-to-air missiles capable of intercepting both anti-ship cruise missiles (using SM-2 and SM-6) and ballistic missiles (SM-6 and SM-3). Closer in, the ESSM protects against missiles and aircraft within 50km, and the Phalanx Gatling gun is a close-range weapon of last resort (possibly augmented by lasers in the future).

Even if the railgun is capable of fulfilling this third role, it’ll probably be as a mid-tier weapon after SAMs. And a new project called the Hypervelocity Gun Weapon System [paywalled] is investigating the possibility that even 5-inch cannons will be able to shoot down missiles using the HVP. By the time the railgun is actually operational, it might be less of a game changer and more of an incremental upgrade.

Railgun technology could also be adapted to other purposes. For example, the electromagnetic launch system being installed in the next generation aircraft carrier operates on the same principle—it’s just bigger and slower. Perhaps an electromagnetic missile launcher could combine the launch speed of railguns with the range and accuracy of missiles.

The railgun’s prohibitive power requirements and stiff capability competition from missiles make it difficult to justify integrating it onto existing warships. If further development shows that it can perform better than existing naval weapons, USN will probably accelerate its operationalisation. But based on currently available information, it’ll probably be quite a while before we see an operational navy railgun.

State Grid and Australia’s national security interests

Transgrid

The State Grid Corporation of China (国家电网公司), the world’s largest electric utility company, is the monopoly power distributor across China in all but five southern provinces and a behemoth with an extensive network of subsidiary companies  and subordinate research institutes.  Through this network State Grid has ties to a wide range of defence and intelligence agencies across the PRC.

State Grid recently unsuccessfully bid for the $9 billion NSW electricity transmission network TransGrid in a consortium with Macquarie Infrastructure Real Assets. The company’s bid was cleared by the Foreign Investment Review Board

In Australia, State Grid is the largest shareholder in the non-listed ElectraNet which operates the South Australian electricity transmission network and is seeking to expand its stake.  There are four State Grid representatives on the ElectraNet board,  Jiang Xiaojun (蔣曉軍), Li Lequan (李樂泉), Sun Jianxing, and Shi Xinghua. Mr Jiang, who is Senior-Vice President of State Grid International Development (SGID) is  also on the board of State Grid Europe, which has been raising funds for European expansion, and the board of Hong Kong Electric Investment. He is also a member of the company’s CPC committee.

State Grid has minority shareholdings in gas and electricity distributors in Victoria and NSW. In 2013, Singapore Power sold almost 20 percent of listed SP AusNet and 60 per cent of the shares in the unlisted SPI (Australia) Assets (branded as Jemena) to State Grid Corp.  Thereby State Grid is now part-owner of Victorian electricity transmission and distribution networks, as well as Victorian, NSW and ACT gas distribution networks and transmission pipelines. The deal was valued at about $5 billion and saw Sun Jianxing assume a directorship at Ausnet and Ruan Qiantu (阮前途)be appointed as Deputy Managing Director of Jemena. Mr Ruan was previously involved in State Grid’s Philippines operations and holds a wide range of posts in Shanghai.

It appears that major efforts have been made to reduce political sensitivities to PRC ownership of essential infrastructure in Australia by initially taking only partial shares in these companies. Jemena, however, has just been announced by the NT Government as the preferred bidder for the $1 billion North East Gas Interconnector.

In other global holdings, State Grid has  interests in power transmission companies in the Philippines, Brazil, Italy and Portugal. State Grid’s international operations are pursued through SGID, whose CEO is Zhu Guangchao (朱光超) and whose party secretary is Li Haixiang (李海翔). SGID has also been involved in transmission line construction in Ethiopia and hydropower construction in Cambodia. Subsidiary Heilongjiang Electric Power Company is developing business with Russia. Russian Grids and the State Grid are discussing the building of ultra-high voltage power transmission lines from Russia to China. Other SGID businesses include global mining operations.

The rise of the Chairman of the State Grid Corporation Liu Zhenya (刘振亚)—was intimately tied to the support of former Politburo Standing Committee member Zeng Qinghong (曾庆红) whose son, Zeng Wei, has strong Australian connections.

State Grid Chairman, Liu Zhenya, also heads the CPC Committee of State Grid, and all members of the company’s leadership group are party members. As such they are ultimately responsible to the CPC Central Committee. Indeed the formal mission of State Grid is “to serve the overall work of the party and the state” in that order.

National security concerns over State Grid development and construction of the national power grid have been most loudly voiced in the Philippines, where again only an initial 40% interest (along with four director positions)  in the National Grid Corporation of the Philippines (NGCP) has so far been bought by State Grid. In February this year, concerns about the State Grid technicians involved with the Philippines national grid project were expressed by the Philippines National Security Council and Department of Justice. It was then announced that the work visas of 16 Chinese experts employed by the NGCP would not be renewed when they expired in July 2015. State Grid have said the Philippines government’s actions were related to the ongoing South China Sea dispute between China and the Philippines rather than any in-country activities of the company.

Egypt has also recently decided to end a transmission line contract with State Grid subsidiary China Electric Power Equipment and Technology Co. and assigned their own military engineers to develop it. This appears to have been the $1.8 billion deal signed in March 2015.

State Grid’s networks carry the People’s Liberation Army’s communications.  In 2012, 10 members of the Information Security Bureau of the Department of Information Technology under the PLA‘s General Staff Headquarters visited State Grid headquarters  to investigate the security of their networks and their information systems and the development of classified security protection regimes.

State Grid is an influential element in the development of Chinese foreign and strategic policy. In July this year, an article by Hui Chunlin (惠春琳), a lecturer at the Institute for International Strategic Studies of the CPC Central Party School, was published on the indaa website, run by State Grid-sponsored Yingda Media Group (英大传媒集团).

In the article Hui urged China, under the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative, to expand China’s provision of electricity generation and transmission facilities to the OBOR countries in order to create a China (State Grid)-dominated “system of inter-connected and inter-operable” energy channels.  This would also include a network of ports, highways, railways and energy pipelines. According to Hui the PLA Navy would be used to “guarantee the security of the energy channels”.  These are precisely the sort of strategic investments which AIIB was created to fund and to which China has managed to induce other countries to contribute.

This PRC agenda of investing in regional energy grids and economies through State Grid and other state-linked companies is being pursued with vigour. State Grid now has large energy infrastructure holdings in Australia and the Philippines and is seeking more, while the Nari Group and NARI Technology, both subsidiaries of State Grid, are engaged in power station construction, power transmission projects, photovoltaic plants, hydropower plants, substation contracting and renovation, equipment provision and ash handling systems in the PhilippinesPakistan, Thailand, Indonesia, Laos, Australia, Vietnam, Nepal  and Cambodia. Zha Daojiong  has written on how PRC energy companies abroad can manage political risk during this endeavour.  At the same time, China is buying long port leases and the PLA Navy is seeking new access to ports across the region.

Postscript: In correspondence with The Strategist State Grid disputed a number of claims made in a previously published version of this post. We offered State Grid the opportunity to write for The Strategist putting the company’s views in response, an offer they declined. The author has checked the facts to the best of his ability and The Strategist believes this post reflects a fair treatment of the issues raised.