Tag Archive for: Critical & Emerging Technology

An Australian strategy for the quantum revolution

What’s the problem?

The world is now at the precipice of another technological and social revolution—the quantum revolution. The countries that master quantum technology will dominate the information processing space for decades and perhaps centuries to come, giving them control and influence over sectors such as advanced manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, the digital economy, logistics, national security and intelligence.

The power of quantum computing, quantum communications and other quantum-enabled technologies will change the world, reshaping geopolitics, international cooperation and strategic competition. The new United States administration is well aware of this. In his first weeks in office, President Biden signalled a major new policy focus on science and technology,1 including quantum technologies.2 This will involve new public investment, working closer with allies, and decisions such as re-establishing the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology.3 The Covid-19 crisis has also seen quantum emerge as an investment vector for post-pandemic recovery: large capital investments have been made over the past year by such nations as China, Japan, Germany, France, South Korea and India.

While Australia benefited from the digital revolution of the 20th century, we missed our opportunity to play a major role in the computing and communications technology sector. A similar fate doesn’t have to befall us in the upcoming quantum revolution. We have a long history of leadership in quantum technology and we’re highly influential relative to our size. As geopolitical competition over critical technologies escalates, we’re also well placed to leverage our quantum capabilities owing to our geostrategic location and alliances with other technologically, economically and militarily dominant powers (most notably the Five Eyes countries) and key partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, including with Japan and India. While Australia is well placed to take full advantage of the quantum revolution, the status quo isn’t enough. We must build and capitalise on the immense potential of quantum technologies.

What’s the solution?

Australia needs a clear quantum strategy, political leadership and an organised effort, including policy focus and public investment. Without those things, we’ll be left behind. This report focuses on analysis—and building policy recommendations—to help Australia better leverage the quantum revolution. It also recognises that quantum is just one critical technology and that what’s needed is a step change in our current policy settings related to critical and emerging technologies more generally. Hence, this report makes broader policy recommendations that serve the dual purpose of supporting that much-needed step change, while also enabling a more strategic focus on Australia’s quantum opportunities.

The Prime Minister should appoint a dedicated and ongoing minister for critical and emerging technologies (that position could also inherit ‘cyber’). This minister’s focus should be technology, rather than ‘technology’ being added to a longer list of portfolio topics. This should be a whole-of-government role with the minister working across the relevant economic, national security, industry, research, defence and science agencies in the public service. The Australian Government should also immediately lay the groundwork for a post-Covid-19 $15 billion technology stimulus that should include a $3-4 billion investment in quantum technologies.4 The stimulus would be a game-changer for Australia and help the country diversify and deepen its technological and R&D base.5 It would also exploit our disproportionate concentration of world-class quantum expertise, ensuring the long-term growth and maintenance of this vital technological sector.

The government should move quickly in 2021 to develop and articulate a national technology strategy, of which quantum should form a key part. The relatively new but small Critical Technologies Policy Coordination Office in the Department of the Prime Minister & Cabinet (PM&C) should be expanded and elevated to become the ‘National Coordinator for Technology’. This division within PM&C—which is already developing a list of key critical technology areas6—should lead this whole-of-government technology strategy process. They should work closely with other parts of government, including the Department of Industry, Science, Energy and Resources (DISER), Office of the Chief Scientist, Defence, Home Affairs, DFAT, CSIRO, the Office of National Intelligence, the Australian Signals Directorate, as well as the research and civil society community and the private sector. Within the division, offices should be created to focus on a small number of key critical technology areas deemed most important to Australia and our place in the world. The first such office should be developed for quantum technology, while other offices could focus on, biotechnology7 and artificial intelligence, for example. A useful model for such appointments is the position of Assistant Director for Quantum Information Science at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy in the US.

At the same time, the federal government should lead a national quantum initiative, in consultation with the states and territories and the private sector. This national initiative should form the ‘Australian Distributed Quantum Zone’—a large collaboration of universities, corporations and Australian-based quantum start-ups tasked with laying the foundations of a dedicated industry in Australia for quantum technology prototyping, development and manufacturing. Significant government investment should be used to help stimulate an economy emerging from the most severe crisis in decades. Australia’s favourable handling of Covid-19 presents a unique opportunity to attract new talent as well as to lure back Australians currently running foreign quantum programs, and further expansions to the government’s talent visa options should be considered. Once this groundwork is laid domestically, Australia will be in a strong position to assume a quantum technology leadership role in the Indo-Pacific region.

Introduction

Quantum technology—technology that takes advantage of the rules and behaviour of light and matter at their most fundamental level—has existed for nearly a century. Lasers, MRI machines8 and transistors all rely on the quantum mechanical properties of nature to function. In fact, quantum technology can be directly attributed to the medical and digital revolutions that occurred in the 20th century. Without lasers there would be no fibre-optic communication, without MRIs the entire field of high-resolution, non-invasive medical imaging wouldn’t be possible and without transistors there would be no digital electronics.

However, there’s a difference between those types of quantum technology and the devices we’re trying to build today. While lasers, MRIs and transistors exploit the quantum mechanical nature of reality to function, they don’t manipulate the exact quantum mechanical properties of individual quantum objects such as atoms or particles of light. The second generation of quantum technologies, which includes quantum computers, quantum communication networks and quantum sensors, manipulate single atoms or particles of light with exquisite precision. This leads to computational and communications systems that offer an extraordinary level of new technological power.

Timelines for the delivery of these technologies range widely:

  • 0–5 years for sensors for health, geosurveying and security
  • 5–10 years for quantum-secured financial transactions, hand-held quantum navigation devices and cloud access to quantum processors of a few thousands of qubits9
  • 10–15 years+ for the establishment of wide-ranging quantum communications and the integration of quantum sensors into everyday consumer applications, such as mobile phones
  • 15 years+ for a quantum computer capable of cracking public-key cryptosystems.

Those time frames could change if and when faster breakthroughs occur, but are at least broadly indicative of the pace and likelihood of quantum development. The quantum technology that birthed the digital revolution of the 20th century was just the beginning. On the one hand, this new class of technology could aid in the creation of new materials and drugs, adapt and secure communication networks, increase economic output and improve quality of life. On the other, quantum technologies also represent a significant long-term threat to our digital security, and the promise of computing technology that can scale exponentially in power in the hands of geostrategic adversaries. These new devices will create a knowledge gap in every piece of technology, from security to manufacturing to medicine and bioscience.

Part 1: Australia and quantum technology

Background: A long history of Australian leadership in quantum technology

Australia has played a pivotal role in the advancement of second-generation quantum technology since the technology’s emergence in the 1990s. The country nurtured the intellectual and technological backbone for what’s now a global and highly competitive network of academic and corporate research, as well as a rich global start-up ecosystem. However, as world powers are now recognising the urgency of dominating the quantum technology industry, Australia is at risk of losing its competitive edge.

Australia often achieves great things with scarce resources, including in the technology sector, yet we’re still small compared to the scientific powerhouses of the US, the UK, Germany, Japan and, in the past 20 years, China. We have a population of just over 25 million and an economy strongly reliant on primary industries, so our scientific research tends to focus on `areas of critical mass’ such as mining, agriculture and medical research. Therefore, it may be surprising that a major strength in Australian physics research is still quantum technology.

Australia’s expertise in quantum physics and quantum technology emerged thanks to significant research before 1990, as well as government policy and the country’s strengths in inexpensive innovation. Since at least the 1980s, Australia and New Zealand have had exceptionally strong representation in the field of quantum optics, for example. It’s also an artefact of a time when the fields of particle physics and condensed matter were dominated by the US and USSR. Quantum optics, on the other hand, was a ‘cheap and cheerful’ science in which real progress could be made with the limited resources available south of the equator.

Here’s a brief overview of how Australia currently maintains quantum research:

The Australian Research Council (ARC) Centres of Excellence program is considered the premiere funding vehicle for fundamental and applied research. Many of the (current and past) centres of excellence (CoEs) have a quantum technology aspect. The CoE for Quantum Computation and Communication Technology (CQC2T) has been both the most visible and the best funded of the CoEs since 1999. The vast majority of that investment is focused on the singular goal of designing and building a silicon-based quantum computer. Given the collaborative nature of the CoE, this has resulted in an exceptionally high level of output in the area of quantum computing. In parallel, the CoE for Engineered Quantum Systems (EQUS), funded from 2011 to 2024, has achieved groundbreaking research outcomes in a variety of other quantum technologies falling broadly under the category of quantum machines.

Australia has also hosted other CoEs with significant quantum physics research focused on technology and applications, but they haven’t always specifically labelled themselves as quantum technology centres, and many have been discontinued:

  • The Centre for Quantum-Atom Optics (ACQAO) combined theoretical and experimental groups to advance the rapidly developing field of quantum atom optics (discontinued in 2010).
  • The Centre for Ultrahigh Bandwidth Devices for Optical Systems (CUDOS) focused on photonic engineering and optical devices for communication (discontinued in 2017).
  • The Centre for Nanoscale BioPhotonics (CNBP) researched biomedical imaging applications and the control of light at the single photon level (discontinued in 2020).
  • The Centre for Future Low-energy Electronics Technologies (FLEET) focuses on low-energy electronics using novel materials, including two-dimensional films and topological insulators (funded until 2024).
  • The Centre for Exciton Science (ACEx) is researching the generation, manipulation and control of excitons in molecular and nanoscale materials for solar energy harvesting, lighting and security (funded until 2024).

Beyond ARC-funded schemes, there are other examples of large-scale investment in research in the quantum computing space in Australia. Microsoft has established a strong presence in quantum information and computing via its StationQ (now Microsoft Quantum) research team led by Professor David Reilly at the University of Sydney (also a member of EQUS). Just down the road, the University of Technology Sydney formed the UTS Centre for Quantum Software and Information in 2016 using a combination of university and ARC funding. Although these efforts are still largely university based, they’re indicative of the worldwide pivot towards the commercialisation of quantum computing technology by universities, governments and the private sector.

Since around 2016, we’ve started to see a nascent corporate and start-up sector in quantum technology grow locally. Yet, compared to the rest of the world, Australia is moving very slowly.

In 2008, Quintessence Labs was the first quantum technology company to emerge from an Australian university—spun out from the Australian National University (ANU) —and focused on commercial technology related to quantum key distribution systems and digital security.

In late 2014, QxBranch was founded as a joint spin-off of Shoal Group and the Tauri Group to focus on data analytics and quantum software.

In 2016, h-bar: Quantum Technology Consultants was formed by researchers at RMIT and UTS to service the rapidly expanding corporate and start-up sector.

In 2017, Q-CTRL was founded out of Sydney University and quickly attracted funding from Main Sequence Ventures (the fund associated with the CSIRO). As of 2020, Q-CTRL has secured more than$30 million in venture capital funding, employs approximately 40 scientists and engineers and has recently formed a partnership with the Seven Sisters collaboration to search for water on the Moon.10

While the figures were modest, given international developments, there was a sizeable boost in Australian Government funding for quantum between 2016 and 2019 (Figure 1). This was dominated by the renewal of EQUS and CQC2T and the establishment of Exciton Science and FLEET, funded until 2024, along with the establishment of Silicon Quantum Computing, a spin-off company of the University of New South Wales-led effort to build a silicon quantum computer, headed by Professor Michelle Simmons.

Figure 1: Estimated cumulative investment in quantum technology within Australia, including ARC centres and the private sector, 2000 to 2020



Source: Australian Research Council funding reports (1999-2019), Silicon Quantum Computing and abl.com.au.

Finally, it’s important to note that not all industry activity in quantum technology originates from academia. For example the Melbourne-based cybersecurity company Senetas, founded in 1999, has announced that it will distribute post-quantum encryption to customers in Australia and New Zealand.

While Australia has been comparatively slow to seize on the most recent quantum ‘boom’, there have been recent efforts to begin a coordinated effort in the National Initiative for Quantum Technology Development. In May 2020, the CSIRO released a report titled Growing Australia’s quantum technology industry. In summarising the current state of quantum technology development in Australia, the report argued that the country could tap potential global revenue of at least $4 billion and create more than 16,000 jobs in the new quantum sector. This is a first step in a national conversation on Australia’s future in quantum tech.

Today: Australia is now behind, as the rest of the world started to race in 2014

The pace of global quantum technology investment accelerated rapidly between 2015 and 2020, and Australia is falling behind. Before 2015, we ranked sixth in sovereign investment among the nine largest economies actively investing in quantum technology.11 Today, we’re last. Investment in the sector by China, the US, France, Germany, the EU as a whole, India and Russia now exceeds Australian investment by a factor of 10–100, even while Australia maintains a strong position in quantum talent.

Multiple nations have announced billion-dollar programs to develop their quantum technology industries. China has flagged over A$13 billion to set up a four-hectare quantum technology centre in Hefei.12 In October 2020, China also announced that quantum technologies would be included in its 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025).13 Japan has stepped up its investment in quantum computing by placing a functional error-corrected computer as one of its six ‘moonshot’ targets in a newly funded A$1.3 billion program.14 Japan was one of the major early investors in quantum technology, but it lost significant ground in the late 2000s and early 2010s because of a lack of confidence within government. If Australia doesn’t move quickly, we could lose the edge that we’ve cultivated since the turn of the century and unlike Japan, might not have the resources or talent to recover.

The Covid-19 crisis has also seen quantum technology emerge as an investment vector for post-pandemic recovery (figures 2 and 3). As part of a major stimulus injection, the German Government announced a A$3.15 billion investment into quantum technologies.15 In January 2021, France announced a five-year A$2.85 billion investment in quantum technologies intended to place it in the top three in the world, together with the US and China.16 Its investment strategy is broad: it includes funding for a universal quantum computer, quantum simulators and sensors, quantum communications, post-quantum cryptography, and support technologies such as cryogenics. The Israeli Government also announced a A$78 million program to build domestic quantum capacity, including the construction of a 30–40 qubit quantum computer through a contract that will be put out to tender later in 2021.17 As recently as April 2021, the Netherlands announced a A$960 million investment from the National Growth Fund to train 2,000 researchers and engineers, fund up to 100 new quantum start-ups and host three corporate R&D labs18.

Figure 2: Sovereign funding increases, 2015 to 2020 (A$ million)



Source: These figures are the same as quoted in footnotes (11-18), 2015 data is from The Economist,online. Please note that for the Netherlands and Canada, data has been used from early 2021 announcements.

Figure 3: Percentage increase in sovereign funding, 2015 to 2020



Source: derived from Figure 2.

The private sector’s involvement in both corporate investment and private equity funding of quantum start-ups has also boomed (Figure 4). Several start-ups in quantum technology are now valued at well over A$1 billion, and shares in at least two quantum tech companies are now publicly traded.19 Australia has again moved comparatively slowly in the start-up space: only one quantum computing hardware start-up and one software start-up have raised significant levels of funding.20 National R&D programs have been used extensively overseas to help incentivise private-sector engagement in quantum technology development, but that hasn’t been mirrored in Australia.

Figure 4: Quantum computing companies before 2015 and in 2020

In each of the recent examples, governments around the world have recognised that quantum science is no longer an academic field of research, but rather a burgeoning new technological industry. The difficulty faced by the Australian quantum industry is the translation of what, until recently, has been a mostly academically focused endeavour into a nascent new commercial sector.

Building a quantum society

Quantum technologies will affect many aspects of our society and economy, including health care, financial services, defence, weather modelling and cybersecurity.

One type of quantum technology—the quantum computer—presents a potentially dazzling range of applications. They include quantum chemistry simulation that will accelerate drug development, improved supply-chain optimisation and supercharged artificial intelligence. These quantum computing applications promise exciting benefits. Yet the history of technology development suggests we can’t simply assume that new tools and systems will automatically be in the public interest.21 We must look ahead to what a quantum society might entail and how the quantum design decisions being made today might affect how we live in the future.

Consider the use of quantum computing to advance machine learning and artificial intelligence (ML/AI). ML/AI technologies are already the subject of ethical frameworks designed to prevent harm and ensure the design of ethical, fair and safe systems.22 Those frameworks are vital, as potential harms could include the reproduction and amplification of existing socio-economic marginalisation and discrimination, and the reduction of personal privacy.

At this time, no ethical framework for quantum technologies exists in Australia, although the CSIRO Quantum Technology Roadmap calls for quantum stakeholders to explore and address social risks.23 As quantum technologies progress, such discussions should build literacy in the societal impacts of quantum technologies. This should be a collaborative effort between quantum physics and social science researchers, industry experts, governments and other public stakeholders, and be led by the proposed office of the minister for critical technologies.

An example of this discussion began at the World Economic Forum in 2020 through the launch of a global quantum security coalition,24 which is working to promote safe and secure quantum technologies. Australia should draw on such initiatives during the creation of a national quantum initiative to ensure the quantum technologies we develop work for the public good. In addition, two new legal organisations launched in 2020—the Australian Society for Computers and Law and the Digital Law Association—have identified quantum as a technology that needs engagement from the legal community in order to draft well-designed standards and regulations.

Quantum researchers and other stakeholders in the emerging quantum tech industry should review the potential impacts of quantum technologies on society.25 Establishing links between Australian publics and quantum researchers may help them in that review. To begin public engagement with quantum technologies, the quantum sector should invest in accessible information on quantum technologies and establish dialogue with Australian publics on a range of applications related to the new technologies. That will clarify societal expectations for the scientific community and policymakers and prompt work to address any concerns raised. Outcomes from these exercises should also inform the national quantum initiative.

Australia’s quantum talent leak

Australia’s long history in quantum technology means that our quantum technologists are high on the priority list for recruitment. Australians are some of the most successful start-up founders and leaders in the quantum industry. However, many are now working outside of Australia. Notable examples include the following:

  • Jeremy O’Brien and Terry Rudolph (UNSW and the University of Queensland) are founders of the photonics-based quantum computing start-up PsiQuantum located in Silicon Valley. They have raised over A$400 million in venture capital to date.
  • Jay Gambetta (Griffith University) is an IBM Fellow and Vice President of Quantum Computing at IBM, where he has spearheaded the massive growth in IBM’s investment in quantum computing.
  • Christian Weedbrook (University of Queensland) is the CEO and founder of Xanadu, an optics-based quantum computing start-up. Now located in Toronto, Xanadu has raised over A$40 million in venture capital funding.
  • Runyao Duan (the founding director of the Centre for Quantum Software and Information at UTS) is now the director of the Quantum Computing Institute at Baidu in Beijing.
  • Min-Hsiu Hsieh (a founding member of the Centre for Quantum Software and Information at UTS) is now the director of the Hon Hai Research Institute for Quantum Information Science (a division of Foxconn) in Taiwan.

Australia must prioritise plugging the quantum industry’s talent leak over the next two years and attracting back the talent that has moved offshore and acquired new expertise. Without a strong quantum computing sector and without significant mechanisms to train and retain highly qualified personnel, the significant investment that Australia has made in such talent will be lost. The uncertainty about H-1B visas in the US—notwithstanding the recent partial lifting by the Biden administration of the 2020 suspension by the Trump administration26—offers an opportunity for Australia to pursue skilled recruitment (in quantum, for example), given our favourable handling of the Covid-19 crisis.

The need to build quantum talent, education and literacy in a post-Covid world

We’re all now familiar with the term ‘digital literacy’: the necessity for the workforce of the 21st century to work with classical computational infrastructure. As quantum technology develops, quantum literacy will become similarly instrumental.

The creation of a talent pipeline of students who can understand and speak the language of quantum technology is a necessity—especially given the explosion of quantum start-ups and corporate teams— and will be strategically critical in the near future as the technology begins to be integrated into global information processing and telecommunications infrastructure.

One promising initiative by the NSW Government, the Sydney Quantum Academy (SQA), brings together the four main research universities in Sydney with strong quantum technology programs. Founded to provide higher degree research training at the masters and PhD levels in a coordinated way between UNSW, Sydney University, UTS and Macquarie University, the SQA is expected to amalgamate a large amount of the teaching and training efforts in quantum technology in the state. With an initial five-year investment from the NSW Government of A$35 million, it’s expected to teach a student cohort of approximately 500 PhD students and is mandated to facilitate outreach and entrepreneurship in the Sydney area—a level of coordination for quantum training that’s never before existed in Australia.27

While the SQA is a promising first step, efforts in providing education and training programs to build quantum literacy should be expanded nationwide. The talent pipeline for a quantum technology industry requires integration with graduate, undergraduate and even high-school programs across disciplines such as physics, engineering, computer science, mathematics and business. Just as digital literacy begins in school and becomes more specialised as a student progresses through university, quantum literacy programs should be similarly designed. The US and the EU are already rapidly accelerating their development of quantum education programs at all levels of education, targeting both domestic and international markets.28

Education and training should be an immediate focus for Australian investment and leadership to market the country as a leading quantum educator. Establishing educational services internationally, especially in the Asia–Pacific region, should also be a high priority.

Notable targets include the Indian and Taiwanese markets. India has indicated an intention to invest A$1.4 billion into quantum technology, but doesn’t have the required domestic expertise to exploit that level of national investment.29 Australia has the potential to provide those services to burgeoning global quantum industries.30

Similarly, Taiwan has indicated that it may more aggressively expand its efforts in quantum technology. Foxconn has established the new Hon Hai Research Institute, which has a dedicated program in quantum computing and there have been rumours that a more concerted government-backed effort may be emerging in Taipei. While the current level of domestic talent in Taiwan is significantly larger than in India, it still represents a market opportunity for Australia to provide training, education and R&D collaboration.

The local quantum talent present in Australia and initial pilot programs31 should be expanded and developed into a federally coordinated effort in which state-level initiatives—such as the SQA—take a strong leading role. It’s expected that states such as Victoria and Queensland will attempt to mirror the SQA model, but a lack of a critical mass of academics outside Sydney will make other state efforts difficult unless more quantum talent is hired or efforts are coordinated across state borders.

Part 2: How quantum technology will shape the world

Quantum will reshape not only technology, but also geopolitical strategy

The race to build quantum technologies is not only one of science and commerce. It’s a race for geopolitical leadership. Attempts to predict the impact of future technology have been notoriously inaccurate. Famous underestimates include the prediction in 1943 by Thomas Watson, then-president of IBM, that ‘there is a world market for maybe five computers.’ Clearly, there was a view that computational power was nothing more than a minor scientific tool or curiosity, when it has instead dictated geopolitical power and economic growth over the past 80 years. With that in mind, we outline three scenarios in which quantum technologies could significantly affect geopolitics.

First, there are immediate consequences for relations between Western allies and China, particularly in quantum education and technology transfer. A US senator recently claimed the US had trained some Chinese nationals to ‘steal our property and design weapons and other devices’, and that ‘they don’t need to learn quantum computing and artificial intelligence from America.’32 The mention of quantum computing wasn’t incidental. The publicity over Chinese government-sponsored quantum technology, starting with the 2017 demonstration of satellite-based quantum communications, hasn’t gone unnoticed by policymakers in Washington.33

The US Department of Energy has requested a 2021 budget that includes A$56 million to accelerate the development of the quantum internet34 on the back of a 2021 budget request, initially by the Trump administration, of A$312 million for quantum technologies.35 That complements the A$1.6 billion quantum investment signed into law in 2018.36 Xi Jinping’s government is spending A$13 billion on China’s National Laboratory for Quantum Information Sciences.37 In recognition of the national security implications of this technology, Australia has already identified ‘quantum cryptography’ and ‘high performance quantum computers’ as controlled technologies in the Defence and Strategic Goods List.38

Second, there’s potential for quantum technology to tip the balance between regional powers. Some possible scenarios include the following:

  • In early 2020, India committed A$1.4 billion for quantum computing research over five years.39 Access to enhanced imaging provided through satellite-based quantum sensing and enhanced image processing could enable the identification of underground nuclear installations in neighbouring Pakistan.
  • Conflict-ridden areas of the Middle East have experienced periods in which even vastly outnumbered insurgents have been able to maintain strategic footholds using improvised explosive devices (IEDs). While IEDs are relatively cheap to produce, technology to respond to counter-IED tools evolves quickly. Quantum technology could benefit either side. For example, extremely precise quantum magnetometers can detect large mobile metal equipment as targets or detect IEDs themselves, and photonic chips could operate even in the presence of an electromagnetic pulse that would knock out conventional electronics.
  • China’s Belt and Road Initiative, launched in 2014, had signed up about 65 countries, including 20 from Africa, by 2019.40 Many of its key projects are being financed by mined minerals from sub-Saharan Africa. Quantum gravimeters could significantly improve the accuracy of drilling by sensing density fluctuations that indicate oil and mineral deposits with a precision not possible with classical devices. Increasing access and raw material yields in nations within China’s sphere of influence could reduce demand for Australian exports.

Finally, quantum tech will disrupt digital economies. Cryptocurrencies are being used increasingly by institutional and private investors and have a current market value of over A$2 trillion. One significant threat to cryptocurrencies is from quantum computer attacks on the digital signatures used to secure transactions between untrusted parties. That would allow a malicious agent to steal crypto tokens like bitcoin undetected. In fact, up to one-third of all bitcoin, worth hundreds of billions of dollars, is estimated to be vulnerable to such theft.41 This type of threat, whether realised or not, has the potential to undermine confidence in all contemporary blockchain-based systems. The solution is to use so-called post-quantum cryptography that’s thought to be immune to attack using quantum technology. That technology is already used by some cryptocurrencies, such as HyperCash and Quantum Resistant Ledger.42 It will be a matter of economic security to frequently test and verify that coming post quantum cryptographic standards are met.

Quantum’s role in national security, defence and intelligence

The defence and intelligence implications of quantum technology can be broken down into several categories, depending on the underlying technology: quantum computing, quantum communications and quantum sensing.

1. Quantum computation

The increased power of quantum computing affects a wide range of national security applications, from materials science to logistics, but the most direct application of interest to the defence and intelligence community is in cryptography. Quantum computers applying artificial intelligence to enormous datasets at speeds that create strategic and operational advantage have direct impact in the field for two key reasons:

  • The entire security backbone of the internet is built using encryption that’s vulnerable to quantum computing. That includes everything from internet banking to the domain name system security certificates that are used to verify whether ‘google.com’ is really Google.com, instead of a hacker. The development of a quantum computer without changing the current encryption standards that underpin the entire classical internet would be catastrophic to network security.
  • While a quantum computer able to break this type of encryption won’t be around for at least a decade or two, a large amount of encrypted information crossing networks, some of which is being intercepted by malicious actors, needs long-term security. Medical records, client data held by insurance companies and nuclear weapons stockpile information are just some examples. While hackers might not have the ability to break encryption today, saved copies of encrypted data could quickly be decrypted when quantum computers become available. To prepare for that scenario, policymakers, businesses and researchers need to consider three key questions:
    1. For how many years does the encryption need to be secure, if it’s assumed data is intercepted and stored?
    2. How many years will it take to make our IT infrastructure safe against quantum attacks?
    3. How many years will it be before a quantum computer of sufficient power to break encryption protocols is built?

As anticipated by many, the first realisation of quantum computing technology has occurred in the cloud, as users log onto dedicated hardware over the classical internet. These types of ‘quantum in the cloud’ systems began with the connection of a two-qubit photonic chip to the classical internet by the University of Bristol in 201343 and accelerated significantly in 2016 with IBM’s introduction of its Quantum Experience platform. We now see both free and paid services offered by IBM, Microsoft, Amazon, Xanadu and Rigetti using a variety of hardware modalities for small-scale quantum computing chipsets with capacities of up to 65 physical qubits. This has spurred the so-called noisy intermediate-scale quantum (NISQ) field of algorithm and hardware research.44 However, we’ve only just begun to understand how these machines will be constructed and used, and their technological development is continuing to accelerate.

For a detailed explanation of quantum computing threats to cryptographic systems, see Appendix 1 on page 24.

Quantum communications platforms

Quantum technology has progressed rapidly in recent years and will have a significant impact on communication technology. The largest investment in quantum communications technology is currently being made by the Chinese Government.45

China has two major quantum networking initiatives geared towards building a quantum key distribution (QKD) infrastructure46—a technology that solves some of the security problems, discussed above, that quantum computing creates for public-key cryptography.

The first program in the Quantum Experiments at Space Scale (QUESS) program culminated in the 2016 launch of China’s Micius platform, which was a proof-of-concept platform that allowed for the distribution of entangled pairs of photons to elevated telescopic ground stations separated by thousands of kilometres. The QUESS program is designed to use a potential constellation of quantum-enabled satellites. It will provide secure cryptographic keys between multiple ground stations to secure classical communications channels using strong symmetric encryption, with keys provided by a quantum backbone network. The exact amount of funding for the QUESS program is currently unclear; however, based on a 651 kilogram payload and estimates of prices for commercial launches into low Earth orbit at that time, the cost of this technology demonstrator could easily approach A$100 million.47

The QUESS program is part of a broader quantum communications effort in China. A second major component is the Beijing-to-Shanghai optical QKD link. This is a 32-node optic-fibre-based link that’s built along the high-speed train line between the two cities, in which each node is located in secure facilities at particular stations.

These two technology demonstrators have recently been amalgamated into a national QKD network, combining more than 700 optical fibres on the ground with two ground-to-satellite links to achieve QKD over a total distance of 4,600 kilometres for users across China.48 That level of investment and technology deployment is significantly more advanced than in any other nation that’s building quantum communications systems.

Other countries have instituted similar programs or are planning to do so. For instance, a government-funded quantum repeater network is to be built between four cities in the Netherlands. There’s also a A$410 million program authorised in the US for the initial development of technology for a future US quantum internet.49 There are even discussions within Australia about a space-based quantum communications centre of excellence in collaboration with the Australian Space Agency. However, Australia is significantly behind China in technological development and it isn’t clear, from a scientific and technical perspective, whether replicating what China has done is the most appropriate way to proceed.

For a more detailed explanation of the major quantum communications systems being deployed worldwide, see Appendix 2 on page 29.

3. Quantum sensing and its applications for the resources sector and defence

Quantum sensing is seen as one of the three main pillars of quantum technology development, along with quantum computing and quantum communication systems. Applications that provide positioning, navigation and timing could potentially benefit from quantum effects, especially when combined with a quantum communications network. Quantum sensing may be the first technological application to be widely adopted in markets.

Three types of quantum sensors have direct applications in multiple sectors, including mining and defence:

  • Quantum sensors to detect magnetic fields with high precision (magnetometry): In principle, this can be used for the undersea detection of magnetically discernible materials. The most promising candidates in this area are diamond-based quantum sensors, and significant effort at Melbourne University, Macquarie University and the ANU is focused on developing that technology.
  • Increased timing precision (atomic clocks): The GPS and inertial guidance positioning, navigation and timing are intricately linked to precise clocks. While atomic clocks have been commercialised for more than 30 years, the ability to miniaturise and package atomic clocks based on technology such as ion traps may be instrumental in even wider adoption.
  • Quantum sensors for ultra high precision measurement of gravitational fields (gravitrometry): By measuring small deviations in ‘little g’ (the acceleration due to the Earth’s gravitational field), we can possibly detect anomalous underground structures, which could be hidden subterranean bases or large oil and mineral reserves.

None of those platforms requires the hardware resources needed for quantum computing or communications systems, so they’re comparatively easier to build and test. However, their superiority over highly precise classical systems isn’t as well understood, so they’ll need to show a competitive advantage in both price and portability before they’re adopted at scale.

The UK, the EU, the US and Canada all have extensive research programs in the quantum sensing space as well as numerous start-ups. In Australia, sensing is most likely to find markets within the minerals sector.

Part 3: What we need to do

Drivers for action: Time for strategic investments

The world is racing to develop quantum technology for business as well as for security and defence. It’s now a crucial moment. Australia reacted exceptionally well in the late 1990s and early 2000s as quantum technology became a substantial area of research within academic physics, computer science and engineering departments. The investment in ARC fellowships, special research centres and centres of excellence tied to quantum computing and related technologies ensured that we were at the forefront of development during the 2000s and early 2010s. Yet, in the years since, there’s been no acceleration of national funding for quantum technology. Consequently, there’s been little movement from the private sector to get involved in the field.

Australia doesn’t have the capital needed to build a complete R&D infrastructure and manufacturing base to control a large share of the future quantum technology market. However, that shouldn’t stop us making strategic moves to become a major player in some of the more lucrative aspects of this new industry. We already possess the technical know-how to invent, develop and prototype some of the critical components needed for large-scale quantum technologies. We can also set up companies, research centres or even government-backed entities to build up large intellectual property portfolios across a variety of physical hardware platforms.

Australia has a significant level of expertise in software and hardware and could develop and manufacture critical components domestically. Of the major hardware systems for large-scale quantum computing, Australia has a near-monopoly on the most advanced technology for silicon (CQC2T and its spin-off company, Silicon Quantum Computing). We were also the pioneers and maintain a very high level of hardware expertise in optical quantum computing platforms, and we have significant capacity in diamond-based systems.

While Australia has the talent and ideas, there’s no mechanism to focus that capacity for the benefit of the Australian quantum technology sector. We can no longer rely solely on academia to lead our approach to quantum technology. Private-sector investment must be boosted. As we’ve seen in the US and the EU, investment comes when the private sector sees the establishment of strong, technology-focused initiatives. Arguably, large quantum efforts at companies such as Microsoft and IBM exist, in part, because those companies were corporate partners in US defence and intelligence funding set up by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency and the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity in the 2000s and early 2010s.

In August 2020, for example, the US launched its national quantum research centres as part of its National Quantum Initiative. This should be a particular motivator for Australia, and particularly the Australia–US alliance, as it provides an opportunity for enhanced engagement and cooperation. Five new research centres focused on computing, communications, sensing and simulation have been established and funded to the tune of A$150 million. The centres build in major collaborations between US national labs, universities and, most importantly, quantum technology companies. The level of private–public engagement involved in the research centres is something that Australia needs to replicate.

While world-leading R&D is occurring in Australia, when it benefits private-sector interests, it benefits offshore quantum computing programs. That doesn’t happen in other nations. In the US, for example, Amazon has made a multimillion-dollar investment to set up Amazon Web Services’ quantum division in collaboration with Caltech in California. Likewise, partnerships with IBM link university research centres and other corporations interested in quantum technology, such as Goldman Sachs, and multi-institutional collaborations are taking advantage of funding incentives made available through the National Quantum Initiative. Such incentives don’t currently exist in Australia, and we’re being crowded out of the private–public collaborative space that’s taking shape.

Australia requires a strategic investment in dedicated research programs that are focused on technology development (unlike the centres of excellence, which mainly have a remit for basic research) to remain relevant on the global stage. This could take the form of a dedicated centre or program for the development of a small-to intermediate-scale quantum computer using optical systems or diamond technology that Australia has significant experience with, or it could be a major initiative to develop key quantum software components.50 If done correctly, that could reassert a level of Australian leadership in the quantum technology sector that has degraded over the past decade. An initial $3–4 billion national quantum strategy will be needed over the next five years to ensure that Australia can benefit from this new technological revolution.

Policy recommendations

1. A new minister

At the earliest opportunity, the Prime Minister should appoint a dedicated and ongoing minister for critical and emerging technologies (this position could also inherit ‘cyber’). This minister’s focus should be technology, rather than ‘technology’ being added to a longer list of portfolio topics. This should be a whole-of-government role with the Minister working across the economic, national security, industry, education, defence, research and science agencies in the public service. The minister would play a key role in the implementation of many of the policy recommendations made here.

2. A national technology strategy

The government should move quickly this year to initiate a whole-of-government technology strategy process led by PM&C, of which quantum should form a key part. By authorising PM&C to lead this initiative, this strategy necessarily recognises that there is no one lens through which to view technology and that its emergence and deployment will impact everything, including our society, the economy and industry, national security and human rights. This strategy should include consideration of appropriate ethical frameworks for critical and emerging technologies such as quantum. PM&C should work closely with other parts of government including the DISER, Office of the Chief Scientist, Defence, Home Affairs, DFAT, CSIRO, the Office of National Intelligence, the Australian Signals Directorate as well as the research and civil society community and the private sector. The new minister for critical and emerging technologies would be responsible for delivering the strategy to the Australian public by 2022.

3. Expand and elevate PM&C’s whole-of-government leadership role on technology policy

There is positive momentum in government and growing knowledge on critical and emerging technologies (like quantum) in departments such as Defence, DISER, CSIRO and PM&C. However, there’s currently no clear government lead on ‘technology’, and that lack of leadership and coordination is preventing policy progress. Critical and emerging technologies present a myriad of opportunities, challenges and threats, and PM&C is the only department with the whole-of-government perspective to balance them in our economy, society and national security. The relatively new but small Critical Technologies Policy Coordination Office in PM&C—the creation of which was a welcome move by the government—should be immediately expanded and elevated to become the National Coordinator for Technology.

The expanded division should work with Australia’s new minister for critical and emerging technologies to support the delivery of the recommended national technology strategy.

Within the new PM&C division in 2021, small offices focusing on key critical technology areas should be created. Quantum technology should be the first such office developed, and other small offices could be built to focus on biotechnology51 and artificial intelligence, for example. A useful model for such appointments is the Assistant Director for Quantum Information Science at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy in the US.

The government should search for individuals to lead these offices who can serve as catalysts, working across government (including with the military and intelligence agencies), business, the research sector and internationally, to deliver a post-Covid-19 technology stimulus and build a pipeline of focus, policy and investment that should last decades. These leaders will need to engage globally and strengthen relationships with our key partners in the Indo-Pacific and work across key groupings such as the Quad (US, India, Japan, Australia). Investments in quantum technology, for example, require careful consideration of our interdependence with our strategic allies, which we’re currently well placed to cooperate with and piggyback on, and of our likely adversaries.

4. A$15 billion post-Covid-19 technology stimulus

The Australian Government should immediately lay the groundwork for a multi-year $15 billion post-Covid-19 technology stimulus that would also be informed by the delivery of a new national technology strategy. This stimulus should include a $3-4 billion investment in quantum technologies. The stimulus would be a game-changer for Australia and help the country diversify and deepen its technological and R&D base. It would also exploit our disproportionate concentration of world-class quantum technology expertise, ensuring the long-term growth and maintenance of this vital technological sector. The following recommendations describe what this stimulus could look like from a purely quantum perspective.

5. Establish an ‘Australian distributed quantum zone’

A national quantum R&D initiative should be a key part of the government’s post-Covid-19 technology stimulus. This could be established with a multibillion-dollar national funding initiative that would leverage the seed investments Australia has already made over the past 30 years. This initiative could be akin to a special economic zone—a place for quantum-related economic activity that wouldn’t sit with one city or state but instead be distributed nationally across universities and research institutes. The Melbourne Biomedical Precinct provides an attractive blueprint for the development of such a national initiative.52 Given the diversity of expertise and capabilities across the country, a distributed quantum zone not tied to a capital city or state is preferable.

The commercialisation of university-developed intellectual property is currently a major roadblock in building a quantum ecosystem in Australia beyond university research. Researchers are often actively disincentivised from spinning out academic research into new start-ups because of the administrative overhead in extracting relevant intellectual property. Universities should be encouraged to ensure that they foster collaboration, entrepreneurship and commercialisation in the quantum space. The newly announced A$5.8 million University Research Commercialisation Scheme scoping study should be encouraged to address the commercialisation of quantum technology.

6. Lure Australian talent back home and attract foreign talent

Australia’s favourable handling of Covid-19 presents a unique opportunity to attract new technology talent as well as to lure back Australians currently running quantum programs in other countries. This could involve increasing the accessibility, scope and clarity of R&D tax incentives, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises and further expansions and tweaks to the government’s ‘Global Talent Independent Program’, including for example, lowering the expected salary requirements below A$153,600/year.53

7. Build global cooperation and increase direct involvement in quantum development by the defence and intelligence communities

The Australian defence and intelligence communities, when compared to their counterparts in the Five Eyes alliance, are disengaged from the quantum technology community.

The Chief Scientist (Cathy Foley) and the Chief Defence Scientist (Tanya Monro) have strong backgrounds in quantum. Their expertise should be immediately tapped to create a quantum defence and intelligence working group, connecting stakeholders within government to the quantum technology community in order to identify key national security priorities that can benefit from quantum technology.

Australia should focus quantum technology work related to national security and defence through a formal partnership with the US, using the precedent of cooperation in other areas of science and technology. The national security and defence implications of quantum technology are clear enough to make this area of development a new core element of the Australia–US alliance. Formalising this partnership, in a similar manner to the US–Japan Tokyo statement on quantum cooperation,54 will also enable academic and industry contributions to contribute to and draw from the partnership. We support the similar policy recommendation in ASPI’s defence-focused report, The impact of quantum technologies on secure communications, which argues for the formalisation and prioritisation of Australia–US cooperation on quantum technology.55

Quantum experts should be encouraged and aided to gain the security clearances needed to be read into programs that may benefit from quantum technology. This should occur initially in an advisory context, but expand as projects are identified.

8. Eliminate uncertainty by developing a national framework outlining national security and defence policy covering quantum technology

The explosion of investment around the world and the unique expertise that Australia has open up tremendous opportunities for incoming investment from overseas. However, both the private sector and Australian research centres are in many cases timid or hostile to such partnerships due to the expected nature of a future national policy covering technology transfer in the quantum space. There are already examples of multimillion-dollar deals that have been rejected at the university level because of perceived future problems with export controls and their ability to work with certain nations, which isn’t yet enshrined in any articulated policy. This uncertainty needs to be rectified as soon as possible. This new national framework should involve the Department of Defence and other parts of government who work on export controls.

9. Expand the role of education and training within Australia

The coordinated national quantum initiative should include establishing major training hubs for quantum technology in Australia, which will assist the university sector in its post-Covid-19 recovery. This would also help build quantum literacy in Australia and throughout the Indo-Pacific region.

  • Establish a national quantum academy: The Sydney Quantum Academy is the first step in this direction, and it ought to be expanded to a tightly integrated national quantum academy, providing education and training at all levels to service future demand for quantum technology intellectual capital, both domestically and globally.
  • Build initial education and training partnerships abroad: With a particular focus on the Indian and Taiwanese markets, establish bilateral partnerships with their emerging quantum sectors and build domestic talent, research expertise and collaboration with the Australian quantum sector.
  • Enter the school sector, building quantum literacy: Initiate a pilot program that brings together stakeholders from state and federal departments of education, school teachers, students and members of the Australian quantum community to create entry-level educational material that introduces core concepts taught in high-school physics, chemistry, mathematics and computer science through the lens of quantum technology.

Appendix 1: Quantum computing threats to cryptographic systems

In broad terms, there are two types of classical cryptosystem that are commonly used throughout the world for a variety of applications: symmetric-key cryptosystems and public-key (or asymmetric) cryptosystems.

The most commonly known example is one-time pad symmetric encryption. One-time pads are provably secure against any attack (quantum or classical) if implemented perfectly: a caveat that’s arguably impossible to meet practically and economically. Symmetric-key cryptosystems use the same key to both encrypt and decrypt data. This offers the advantage of more secure message transmission but suffers from the downside of how to distribute keys to both the sender and receiver in a secure manner. For symmetric-key cryptosystems, there are secure protocols against quantum attacks.

Public-key cryptosystems use two separate keys that are mathematically related. One is used for encryption and one for decryption. One of the keys is publicly advertised (for example, a PGP or ‘pretty good privacy’ key, that some people attach to their email signature), while the other needs to remain completely secret and secure. Public-key cryptosystems are used for the vast majority of encrypted traffic traversing publicly accessible channels, such as the global internet, Wi-Fi, Bluetooth and microwave transmissions. While all public-key cryptosystems work on the same mathematical principles, the most well-known example is the RSA cryptosystem, in which security is based on the difficulty in factoring large composite numbers.

For factoring, the state of the art in classical algorithms remains the general number field sieve. Figure A1 (below) shows the year in which various bit-sizes (L) for the RSA cryptosystem were factored as part of the RSA challenge and an estimate of the computational time needed to factor a specific L-bit number using the scaling of the number field sieve for 100 PCs in 2003 and 2018. Once L becomes bigger than about 1,000, the time needed to complete the computation becomes prohibitively long. Currently, for online encryption, an L of 2,048 is commonplace.

Peter Shor, a professor in applied mathematics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, completely changed the discussion by showing that a hypothetical (as it was in 1994) quantum computer allowed for a computationally efficient solution to factoring. Finding an efficient quantum algorithm to solve the foundational problems underpinning public-key cryptography opens up an irreconcilable security flaw in these protocols. Regardless of whether you think it will ever be practical to build a quantum computer, the fact that this fundamental mathematical result exists is a significant problem: any cryptosystem can’t have such a flaw even in theory, as this result underpins everything else.

The existence of an efficient algorithm for factoring adds a new curve to the scaling figures. Figure A1 illustrates the importance of the concept of computational complexity or algorithmic scaling. The new curve takes the scaling of Shor’s factoring algorithm and overlays the time to break the RSA. As Shor’s algorithm is a polynomial algorithm, computational times increase more slowly as the key length increases, compared to the classical number field sieve. Consequently, even key lengths of 10,000 bits or more are factorable in acceptable time frames using quantum computers of moderate to fast physical speed.

The existence of a quantum computer makes public-key protocols such as RSA insecure, as simply increasing key sizes can be easily overcome by a commensurate increase in quantum computing capability.

A potentially more immediate threat is posed by quantum attacks on digital signatures. A digital signature is like an electronic fingerprint appended to data, which proves to the receiver that a document was sent by the signer. It can be done in a completely public manner over the internet. Such signatures are routinely used for financial transactions and have a broad use case for blockchain-enabled technologies such as smart contracts for insurance and cryptocurrency trading. The signature is secured using trusted algorithms such as elliptic-curve cryptography, which make forging by stealing the sender’s private key exponentially hard for classical computers. However, due to another quantum algorithm discovered by Peter Shor for calculating discrete logs, quantum computers can quickly hack the message to learn the private key. Such an attack is in fact easier for quantum computers than breaking RSA cryptography, and could be possible within 15 years using around 1 million qubits.56

While the theoretical nature of Shor’s algorithm poses a security problem for public-key cryptography in a world where quantum computers exist, there’s still the practical question of when such machines of sufficient size to threaten current public-key cryptosystems can be built. Errors in quantum computing systems (due to both fabrication and control imperfections) require the use of extensive error correction, which requires more and more physical qubits within the chipset.

While there’s been remarkable progress both from the theoretical perspective (resource costs for Shor’s algorithm have dropped by a factor of nearly 1,000 since 2012) and from an experimental perspective (qubit chipsets of approximately 50 qubits with error rates of less than 1% are now possible), there’s still a long way to go before a machine of sufficient size to break public-key cryptosystems will be available on any hardware platform.

The current state of quantum computing systems

Blueprints for large-scale quantum computing systems were developed only in the late 2010s, and the current estimate of the resources needed for a fully error-corrected implementation of Shor’s factoring algorithm to break RSA-2048 is approximately 20 million superconducting qubits over a computational time of approximately eight hours. This assumes:

  • reliable gate error rates for each qubit of 0.1% (this should be achievable in experimental systems in the next 3–5 years)
  • significant ability to mass manufacture cheap qubits
  • the solution of several major engineering and infrastructure challenges to allow for chip sizes of the order of tens of millions of qubits.

The data that has been presented shows the current state-of-the-art knowledge in the theoretical and experimental space for implementing cryptographic-related protocols on quantum computing systems, but the future is open to speculation. We’ve focused specifically on Shor’s algorithm as it has been the most well-studied and optimised large-scale algorithm of interest to the non-scientific community. It should be noted that shorter timelines are certainly possible, particularly in the case of a quantum-assisted side channel attack. That is, one taking advantage of leaked information in cryptographic transactions, which would require fewer quantum resources than a full-blown Shor attack.

Certainly, quantum system developers are attempting to replicate a type of Moore’s law for quantum computing, doubling power every 18–24 months, but it’s unclear whether that will eventuate. Consequently, when classical cryptosystems will come under threat from quantum computers is subject to debate; that is, we don’t yet know when we’ll be able to close the gap between the requirements of breaking RSA-2048 and the size and quality of the chipsets than can be built in the laboratory.

The direct simulation of quantum mechanical systems for use in bioscience, material science and other fields has also been studied in depth. However, the size of a physical machine to provide unambiguous quantum advantage in these spaces is often larger than that of a useful factoring machine.57

At the smaller scale, corporations marketing new NISQ-based quantum cloud systems have been aggressive in soliciting the Australian quantum community and other markets in adopting access packages for those systems. This has included the establishment of the University of Melbourne’s IBMQ Hub in 2017 to coordinate access to IBM hardware in Australia.58 The accessibility of these services in Australia and access by Australian researchers will be a critical tool for quantum computing R&D into the future, but we should remain cautious to ensure that diversification in online providers is maintained and that we use these tools to augment Australian R&D efforts, rather than substituting the use of subscription services offered by international corporates for building sovereign capacity in the quantum space.

Figure A1: Estimated times required for RSA factoring on quantum and classical hardware



Source: R. Van Meter, PhD thesis, online, online.

Figure A2: Physical error rates required in quantum hardware to implement Shor’s algorithm without active quantum error correction. Insert: historical decreases in qubit error rates from 1996 to 2020.

Figure A3: Decrease in qubit resources for Shor’s algorithm between 2011 and 2020.



Source, online, online.

Figure A4: Historical demonstration of small qubit chip-sets in four major quantum hardware platforms.



Source, online.

Appendix 2: The status of quantum communications

Quantum communication systems, like their classical counterparts, use several types of hardware. The major ones being developed and deployed worldwide are as follows:

  • Quantum repeater systems: Unlike classical fibre optics, quantum states can’t be copied. Consequently, overcoming losses in fibre optics requires the use of what are effectively mini-quantum computers to relay quantum information at regular intervals across the link.
  • Quantum free space systems: Developed primarily by researchers in Austria, with prototype systems deployed in the Canary Islands, free space quantum systems work by beaming a particle stream of photons (light particles) from source to receiver using a direct line of sight. Developed as a precursor to quantum satellite systems, free space quantum transmission isn’t as aggressively pursued as it once was and might be useful only for ‘last mile’ type applications in quantum communications.
  • Quantum satellites: These systems are now the favourite for multiple nations and research groups. Spearheaded by the Chinese Micius platform, launched in 2014, quantum satellites beam either a single particle stream of photons (or a pair of entangled particle streams) to ground stations that can be separated by thousands of kilometres. This platform holds the record for longest distance quantum communications protocols.
  • Quantum memory units (sneakernet): A new model that’s still only theoretical, quantum memory units use the classical principle of sneakernet communications (physically transporting hard drives from point A to point B to achieve a communications link) but overcome the biggest downside of classical sneakernets: long latency times in information transport. Built using the same underlying technology as quantum computers.

The requirements of a quantum communication system are highly dependent on the desired application. The constraints that hardware must satisfy for quantum secured authentication tokens or the distribution of quantum secured keys for symmetric cryptosystems are different from those of a global quantum internet that connects quantum computing systems for distributed computation or blind server/client-based quantum computing. The tendency for people to conflate applications and speak of a quantum key distribution system in the same breath as a quantum internet doesn’t reflect the reality of what applications require and what current quantum communications hardware can do.


Acknowledgements

Thank you to Danielle Cave for all of her work on this project. Thank you also to all of those who peer reviewed this work and provided valuable feedback including Dr Lesley Seebeck, Lachlan Craigie, David Masters, Fergus Hanson, Ariel Bogle, Michael Shoebridge, Rebecca Coates, David Douglas and Justine Lacey. Finally, we are grateful for the valuable feedback we received from anonymous peer reviewers who work in the fields of quantum academia and policy. ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre receives funding from a variety of sources including sponsorship, research and project support from across governments, industry and civil society. No specific funding was received to fund the production of this report.

Important disclaimer: This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in relation to the subject matter covered. It is provided with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering any form of professional or other advice or services. No person should rely on the contents of this publication without first obtaining advice from a qualified professional.

© The Australian Strategic Policy Institute Limited 2021

This publication is subject to copyright. Except as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of it may in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, microcopying, photocopying, recording or otherwise) be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted without prior written permission. Enquiries should be addressed to the publishers. Notwithstanding the above, educational institutions (including schools, independent colleges, universities and TAFEs) are granted permission to make copies of copyrighted works strictly for educational purposes without explicit permission from ASPI and free of charge.


First published May 2021. ISSN 2209-9689 (online), ISSN 2209-9670 (print).

Funding Statement: No specific sponsorship was received to fund production of this report.

  1. US$180 billion of Biden’s US$2 trillion infrastructure plan is earmarked for technologies of the future like quantum computing. See Martin Giles, Forbes, 1 April 2021, online. ↩︎
  2. ‘AI, quantum R&D funding to remain a priority under Biden’, Wall Street Journal, 9 November 2020, online. ↩︎
  3. ‘Fact sheet: President Biden takes executive actions to tackle the climate crisis at home and abroad, create jobs, and restore scientific integrity across federal government’, The White House, 27 January 2021, online. ↩︎
  4. This technology stimulus would of course be spread over multiple years. ↩︎
  5. See Germany’s June 2020 €50 billion ‘future-focused’ technology stimulus for an example of how other countries have managed and deployed such technology-focused investments: Eanna Kelly, ‘Germany unveils €50B stimulus for “future-focused” technologies’, Science Business, 4 June 2020, online. ↩︎
  6. Ben Packham, ‘PM’s department developing list of research, technology to shield from foreign interests’, The Australian, 12 March 2021, online. ↩︎
  7. See John S Mattick, Biodata and biotechnology: opportunity and challenges for Australia, ASPI, Canberra, 27 August 2020, online. ↩︎
  8. MRI = Magnetic resonance imaging. ↩︎
  9. Qubit = A Quantum Bit (Qubit) is the fundamental element of quantum information. Analogous to classical bits, a qubit is formed from two-level quantum mechanical systems such as the spin state of an electron or the polarisation state of a single particle of light—a photon. ↩︎

Somebody might hear us: Emerging communications security technologies

Militaries have been trying to keep their communications safe from prying eyes for centuries. But they have also sought to be able to communicate as quickly as possible and as widely as possible with their own forces. Those requirements are in tension with one another.

Today, militaries can communicate globally over increasingly capacious data pipes. But the same technological evolution that allows them to do that has also given would-be eavesdroppers new and powerful tools to collect and exploit signals.

In this report, author Dr Andrew Davies explains the principles of secure communication and uses some examples of emerging technologies to illustrate what the next generation of secure communications might look like.

The impact of quantum technologies on secure communications

This ASPI report examines the impact of quantum technologies on secure communications. It provides an overview of the key technologies and the status of the field in Australia and internationally (including escalating recent developments in both the US and China), and captures counterpart US, UK and Canadian reports and recommendations to those nations’ defence departments that have recently been released publicly.

The report is structured into six sections: an introduction that provides a stand-alone overview and sets out both the threat and the opportunity of quantum technologies for communications security, and more detailed sections that span quantum computing, quantum encryption, the quantum internet, and post-quantum cryptography. The last section of the report makes five substantive recommendations in the Australian context that are implementable and in the national interest.

A key message on quantum technologies relates to urgency. Escalating international progress is opening a widening gap in relation to Australia’s status in this field. It is critical that, in addition to its own initiatives, the Defence Department transitions from a largely watching brief on progress across the university sector and start-up companies to a leadership role—to coordinate, resource and harness the full potential of a most capable Australian quantum technologies community to support Defence’s objectives.

Strange bedfellows on Xinjiang: The CCP, fringe media and US social media platforms

This report explores how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), fringe media and pro-CCP online actors seek—sometimes in unison—to shape and influence international perceptions of the Chinese Government’s human rights abuses in Xinjiang, including through the amplification of disinformation. United States (US) based social media networks, including Twitter, Facebook and YouTube, along with Chinese-owned TikTok (owned by Chinese company ByteDance), are centre stage for this global effort.

The Chinese Government continues to deny human rights abuses in Xinjiang despite a proliferation of credible evidence, including media reporting, independent research, testimonies and open-source data, that has revealed abuses including forced labour, mass detention, surveillance, sterilisation, cultural erasure and alleged genocide in the region. To distract from such human rights abuses, covert and overt online information campaigns have been deployed to portray positive narratives about the CCP’s domestic policies in the region, while also injecting disinformation into the global public discourse regarding Xinjiang.

The report’s key findings:

  • Since early 2020, there’s been a stark increase in the Chinese Government and state media’s use of US social media networks to push alternative narratives and disinformation about the situation in Xinjiang. Chinese state media accounts have been most successful in using Facebook to engage and reach an international audience.
  • The CCP is using tactics including leveraging US social media platforms to criticise and smear Uyghur victims, journalists and researchers who work on this topic, as well as their organisations. We expect these efforts to escalate in 2021.
  • Chinese Government officials and state media are increasingly amplifying content, including disinformation, produced by fringe media and conspiracist websites that are often sympathetic to the narrative positioning of authoritarian regimes. This amplifies the reach and influence of these sites in the Western media ecosystem. Senior officials from multilateral organisations, including the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations (UN), have also played a role in sharing such content.
  • The Xinjiang Audio-Video Publishing House, a publishing organisation owned by a regional government bureau and affiliated with the propaganda department, has funded a marketing company to create videos depicting Uyghurs as supportive of the Chinese Government’s policies in Xinjiang. Those videos were then amplified on Twitter and YouTube by a network of inauthentic accounts. The Twitter accounts also retweeted and liked non-Xinjiang-related tweets by Chinese diplomatic officials and Chinese state-affiliated media in 2020.

Coming ready or not: Hypersonic weapons

This report analyses the future impact that hypersonic weaponry will have on global affairs.

Hypersonic systems include anything that travels faster than Mach 5, or five times the speed of sound. We may be on the cusp of seeing hypersonic weapons proliferate around the world, with Russia, China and the US all in the process of developing and testing them. By 2030 they are likely to be in the inventory of all of the major powers. And Australia might well join them – we have some world class researchers and have been active in joint programs with the US for over 20 years. The government has added hypersonic weapons to its defence acquisition plan. It’s a topic we should be interested in and better informed about.

It’s always hard to predict exactly how much will change when a new technology enters the battlefield, but Australia is investing tens of billions of dollars in advanced sensors and combat systems to defend its surface vessels against subsonic and supersonic weapons. It’s not clear that they will be effective enough against hypersonic weapons. On the plus side for our defence forces, hypersonic strike weapons with ranges of thousands of kilometres could return a strike capability to the ADF that has been missing since the F-111 was retired a decade ago.

There are some strategic stability issues to be wrestled with as well. The US is developing a ‘prompt global strike’ system that would allow it hit a target pretty much anywhere on Earth in 20 minutes. Russian and Chinese systems are being developed with a nuclear or conventional warhead capability. The combination of short warning times and nuclear warhead ambiguity is potentially highly destabilising.

Trigger warning. The CCP’s coordinated information effort to discredit the BBC

Chinese Communist Party (CCP) diplomatic accounts, Chinese state media, pro-CCP influencers and patriotic trolls are targeting the UK public broadcaster, the BBC, in a coordinated information operation. Recent BBC reports, including the allegations of systematic sexual assault in Xinjiang’s internment camps, were among a number of triggers provoking the CCP’s propaganda apparatus to discredit the BBC, distract international attention and recapture control of the narrative.

In ASPI ICPC’s new report, Albert Zhang and Dr Jacob Wallis provide a snapshot of the CCP’s ongoing coordinated response targeting the BBC, which leveraged YouTube, Twitter and Facebook and was broadly framed around three prominent narratives:

  1. That the BBC spreads disinformation and is biased against China
  2. That the BBC’s domestic audiences think that it’s biased and not to be trusted
  3. That the BBC’s reporting on China is instigated by foreign actors and intelligence agencies.

In addition, the report analyses some of the secondary effects of this propaganda effort by exploring the mobilisation of a pro-CCP Twitter network that has previously amplified the Covid-19 disinformation content being pushed by China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and whose negative online engagement with the BBC peaks on the same days as that of the party-state’s diplomats and state media. 

To contest and blunt criticism of the CCP’s systematic surveillance and control of minority ethnic groups, the party will continue to aggressively deploy its propaganda and disinformation apparatus. Domestic control remains fundamental to its political power and legitimacy, and internationally narrative control is fundamental to the pursuit of its foreign policy interests.

Critical technologies and the Indo-Pacific: A new India-Australia partnership

This report by ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre and India’s Observer Research Foundation argues that as the India-Australia bilateral relationship continues to grow and evolve, both governments should invest in the construction of a new India–Australia partnership on technology.

The foundation for such a partnership already exists, and further investment areas of complementary interests could stimulate regional momentum in a range of key critical and emerging technology areas including in 5G, Artificial Intelligence, quantum technologies, space technologies and in critical minerals. The report contains 14 policy recommendations that will help build this new technology partnership.

This new report outlines what this new India-Australia technology partnership could look like. It examines the current state of the India–Australia relationship; provides an overview of current technology cooperation and where challenges and roadblocks lie; analyses each state’s competitive and complementary advantages in selected technology areas and highlights opportunities for further collaboration across the areas of 5G, Artificial Intelligence, Quantum technologies, Space technologies and in critical minerals.

The flipside of China’s central bank digital currency

What’s the problem?

China’s central bank digital currency, known as ‘DC/EP’ (Digital Currency / Electronic Payment), is rapidly progressing and, if successful, would have major international implications that have not yet been widely considered by policymakers.

DC/EP would have ramifications for governments, investors, and companies, including China’s own tech champions.

It has the potential to create the world’s largest centralised repository of financial transactions data and, while it may address some financial governance challenges, such as money laundering, it would also create unprecedented opportunities for surveillance. The initial impact of a successful DC/EP project will be primarily domestic, but little thought has been given to the longer term and global implications. DC/EP could be exported overseas via the digital wallets of Chinese tourists, students and businesspeople.

Over time, it is not far-fetched to speculate that the Chinese party-state will incentivise or even mandate that foreigners also use DC/EP for certain categories of cross-border RMB transactions as a condition of accessing the Chinese marketplace.

DC/EP intersects with China’s ambitions to shape global technological and financial standards, for example, through the promotion of RMB internationalisation and fintech standards-setting along sites of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In the long term, therefore, a successful DC/EP could greatly expand the party-state’s ability to monitor and shape economic behaviour well beyond the borders of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

What’s the solution?

To date, policymakers in the democratic world have taken a whack-a-mole approach to the security challenges presented by Chinese technologies, if they have taken action at all.

Those actions—such as those pertaining to Huawei and 5G over several years and TikTok and WeChat more recently—have been taken long after the relevant brands and technologies have entered the global marketplace and established dominant positions, and they don’t solve root problems.

The potential for DC/EP to be successful enough to have a disruptive impact on the global economic system might be far into the future, but it’s important to consider what impact DC/EP could have on the global economy. Liberal democracies should act now to deepen analysis, develop standards and coordinate approaches to the risks inherent in DC/EP, including unconstrained data collection and the creation of powerful new tools for social control and economic coercion. By acting now to build a baseline analysis of the DC/EP project, decision-makers have an opportunity to anticipate challenges and build a consistent and coherent policy framework for managing them.

Early efforts to establish and coordinate norms, rules and standards will reduce any subsequent need to resort to blunt and arbitrary measures that are economically, socially and diplomatically disruptive. Governments should also act to address existing vulnerabilities that DC/EP could exploit, for instance by introducing stricter laws on data privacy, by regulating the way that any entity can collect and use individuals’ data and by improving due diligence aimed at mitigating data security risks.

Executive summary

Globally, there’s increasing interest in the development of central bank digital currencies, driven by a wide range of policy motivations. A survey published by the Bank for International Settlements in January 2020 found that, out of 66 central banks, 80% were engaged in the research, experimentation or development of a central bank digital currency.1

The PRC is a significant actor in this space, not least because it’s years ahead of the world in research into the development of its central bank digital currency known as ‘digital currency / electronic payment’ or simply ‘DC/EP’ (see Figure 1). China’s market-Leninist approach to innovation, personal data and industry policy makes it possible to conceive that over a billion Chinese consumers could be transacting in DC/EP before a central bank digital currency becomes mainstream in any other country.

At the technocratic level, DC/EP is designed to ensure visibility and traceability of transactions and establish greater control over China’s financial system and capital accounts while displacing anonymising cryptocurrency alternatives that can’t be readily controlled. Recent reporting has also indicated that the People’s Bank of China (PBoC) aims for DC/EP to erode the dominance of Alipay and WeChat Pay in the digital payments space, levelling the playing field between the technology duopoly and commercial banks.

At the leadership level, DC/EP is being driven by the financial ‘risk management’ and ‘supervision’ imperatives of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Xi Jinping. DC/EP will offer no true anonymity, as the PBoC will have both complete visibility over the use of the currency, and the ability to confirm or deny any transaction. There are also no express limits on the information-access powers of the party-state’s political security or law enforcement agencies, such as the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), which has a keen interest in the technology. While DC/EP could enable more effective financial supervision and risk management that any government might seek to embed in a central bank digital currency, the PRC’s authoritarian system embeds political objectives within economic governance and otherwise reasonable objectives. Terms such as ‘anti-terrorist financing’, for instance, take on a different definition in the PRC that is directed at the CCP’s political opponents.

DC/EP is being developed and implemented domestically first, but could allow China to shape global standards for emerging financial technologies. It also creates opportunities for the PRC to bypass the US-led financial system, which it perceives as a threat to its security interests, potentially disrupting existing systems of global financial governance. Through DC/EP, Beijing could over time move away from the SWIFT system and bypass international sanctions.

The purpose of this policy brief is to improve baseline understanding of DC/EP’s structural mechanics and place the project in its political and bureaucratic context. The aim is to catalyse and contribute to an informed conversation about what the rollout of DC/EP may mean for China and for the world.

This policy brief is organised as follows: Section 1 is a general overview of digital currencies; Section 2 focuses on the policy drivers behind DC/EP; Section 3 examines DC/EP’s architecture based on patents in order to assess the surveillance capabilities it would embed; Section 4 describes the institutional ecosystem behind DC/EP; Section 5 looks at how DC/EP would affect domestic digital payment systems Alipay and WeChat pay; and Section 6 looks at the implications DC/EP could have for global financial governance.

Figure 1: What is DC/EP?

Source: Created by ASPI

1. Two sides of the digital-coin: freedom and control

Elise Thomas

A fundamental question at the heart of all digital currencies is one of control, but the ways in which the dynamics of control and power play out differ between different types of digital currencies.

There is a difference between private digital tokens (for example, cryptocurrencies) and central bank digital currencies (such as DC/EP). A primary goal behind many cryptocurrencies (such as bitcoin, a decentralised, anonymised blockchain-based digital token) is to evade the controls of any single actor, and in particular the control of governments.2 In this sense, the technology behind cryptocurrencies was devised as a challenge to the power of states over the finances of individuals. For a centralised, state-controlled digital currency, however, the inverse may be true. A centrally controlled digital currency could enable a level of financial surveillance, economic power and societal control that was previously impossible. Such tools present tantalising opportunities for authoritarian states, financial institutions and corporations in the absence of effective controls.

While many digital currency projects have been announced by both state and non-state actors, none has managed to attain a level of widespread adoption or to operate at scale as a medium of exchange.3

In Venezuela, the aggressive support of the Maduro government hasn’t been enough to make the nation’s ‘petro’ currency a success.4 Even the Facebook-backed Libra project—with its potential to leverage Facebook’s 2.6 billion users—has changed course towards integrating fiat currency payments into its existing platforms.5

Despite the failure to date of any digital currency to achieve mass adoption or widespread use as a medium of exchange, many central banks around the world have demonstrated an interest in the concept of developing their own digital currency. Beyond the PRC, central banks in Canada, Sweden, the Bahamas, Japan and many other countries are at different stages of research on and development of central bank digital currencies.6 They provide a range of policy justifications. The Bank of Canada, for instance, has said its research is contingency planning, and the bank doesn’t currently plan to launch a central bank digital currency. It has said that, alongside a potential decline in the use of bank notes, a key reason to potentially launch a central bank digital currency is the widespread use of alternative digital currencies, probably by private-sector entities that could ‘undermine competition in the economy as a whole because the company might use its dominant market position in one industry to control payments and competition in other industries’.7

Existing digital currencies have provoked mixed regulatory responses from states and financial institutions, and those responses have focused largely on the risks arising from cryptocurrencies (see Figure 2). There’s a tendency to approach them as speculative assets or securities, rather than as actual currencies.

Figure 2: Global regulatory framework for cryptocurrencies

Source: Created by the Law Library of Congress based on information provided in the report, Regulation of cryptocurrency around the world, online.

The goal of decentralised cryptocurrencies is to disperse power across the network and away from any one actor. Central bank digital currencies are fundamentally different. They are, as the Bank for International Settlements defines it, ‘a central bank liability, denominated in an existing unit of account, which serves both as a medium of exchange and a store of value’.8 DC/EP, for example, is a form of legal tender that’s issued and backed by a liability of the PBoC. It introduces the digital renminbi, an encrypted string that holds details about that individual bill and additional fields for currency security and tracking.

In a world increasingly driven by access to data, that granular detail about how money moves through the economy, through specific companies and industries, and through the personal accounts of individuals presents both a promise and a threat. The promise is a vastly greater understanding of how the economy operates and the ability to respond where needed for the benefit of all. The threat is the ability to consolidate power in the hands of authorities, to enable persecution and surveillance and to reshape society as the authorities want it to be. Centralised digital currencies have the potential to turn financial surveillance into a powerful tool that could be wielded by authoritarian states inside, and potentially even outside, their own borders.

2. Drivers of the PRC’s digital currency project

John Garnaut and Dr Matthew Johnson

At the leadership level, the DC/EP project has been driven by the financial ‘risk management’ and ‘supervision’ imperatives of CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping. At the technocratic level, it’s designed to ensure the visibility of all financial flows and establish greater control over China’s financial system and capital accounts while displacing anonymising cryptocurrency alternatives that can’t be readily controlled. Statements from the CCP and financial insiders indicate that a key driver of DC/EP is the party’s need for a financial architecture which exists outside the SWIFT network 9 and other US-dominated alternatives. The imperative of operating beyond the reach of US monitoring and law enforcement has come to the fore in recent months, as the US targets financial sanctions against CCP officials and entities in response to human rights and national security concerns. ‘We must make preparations to break free from dollar hegemony and gradually realise the decoupling of the RMB from the dollar,’ said Zhou Li, a former deputy minister of the International Liaison Department, in a June 2020 article.10

What problems would DC/EP solve?

PBoC official statements and documents give no clear answer to the basic question: What is the policy problem that China’s digital currency project is trying to solve? Nobody is claiming a consumer experience that’s superior to the already impressive convenience accessible through Alipay and WeChat Pay. The answer, however, becomes clear in statements emanating from higher up in the CCP organisation chart, where CCP leaders and Politburo-level organs describe a need to use technology to enhance the party-state’s visibility and control over the entire financial system. DC/EP is conceived as a supervision mechanism for preserving ‘stability’ and enhancing state control.

DC/EP fits within a vision of ‘economic work’ that Xi Jinping has developed over the past five years, which puts surveillance and supervision at the core. At the Central Economic Work Conference in December 2015, he said:

It is necessary to strengthen omni-directional supervision, standardise all types of financing behaviour, seize the opportunity to launch special programs for financial risks regulation … strengthen risk monitoring and early warning, properly handle cases of risk, and resolutely adhere to the bottom line that systemic and regional financial risk will not occur.11

Xi’s position that ‘financial risk should not occur’ is consistent with the party’s state security strategy, which prioritises pre-empting risk before it can emerge. This is embedded in the party’s state security work through the concept of ‘financial security’ (金融安全).12 Financial security means stability on the party’s terms. It calls for reforming the financial system by establishing supervision and control mechanisms, total financial governance, and strengthening China’s financial power.

At the Politburo’s collective study meeting of 23 February 2019, which focused specifically on preventing financial risks, Xi’s was quoted as stating:

It is necessary to do well in comprehensive financial industry statistics, complete an information system that reflects risk fluctuation in a timely manner, perfect information release management regulations, and complete a credit punishment mechanism. It is necessary to ‘control people, watch money, and secure the system firewall’ … Modern technological means and payment settlement mechanisms should be used to dynamically monitor online, offline, international, and domestic capital flows in a timely manner, so that all capital flows are placed within the scope of supervision of financial regulatory institutions.13

Xi’s guidance for using technology to connect finance and security has cascaded down to the fintech planning and implementation level. At every step, internally focused discussion of DC/EP has focused on supervision and centralised management. During a 30 December 2019 meeting of the PBoC Financial Technology Committee, PBoC deputy governor Fan Yifei reiterated the importance of supervising fintech innovation, ‘optimising’ the mobile payment ecosystem and ‘actively promoting data governance and accelerating the construction of a “digital central bank”’.14 At a PBoC work meeting held on 5 January 2020, participants including Governor Yi Gang and PBoC Party Committee secretary Guo Shuqing spoke of party-building at all levels of the financial system, building a ‘big supervision mechanism’, and strengthening financial statistics monitoring and analysis with specific reference to fintech and digital currency.15

Macroeconomic policy

As well as improving the scrutiny, and visibility, of international capital flows, and reducing the costs of printing and maintaining the circulation of cash, PBoC officials say the data collected through DC/EP will be used to improve macroeconomic policymaking. According to Yao Qian, who founded the Digital Currency Research Lab at the PBoC:16

Within this [digital currency] technology system, the central bank has the highest decision making and operational jurisdiction… big data analysis comes in during the process of currency issuance, monitoring, and control. Under conditions of data being appropriately stripped of identifying details, the central bank can use big data to carry out in-depth analysis of digital currency issuance, circulation and storage; understand the laws of monetary operation; and provide data support for intervention needs such as monetary policy, macro-prudential supervision, and financial stability analysis.17

Yao says the data used to inform macroeconomic policymaking will be anonymised. However, he also says the data will be used for law enforcement.18

Political discipline

The CCP’s top political organ for imposing political discipline internally, the CCP’s CCDI, is increasingly prominently involved in both the promotion and policy direction of DC/EP. The CCDI has recently promoted DC/EP’s potential to ‘solve’ the problem of terrorist financing and combat financial crimes such as bribery and embezzlement.19 However, the purpose of the CCDI is to impose party discipline through channels that exist above and outside the formal legal apparatus. The CCDI has served as Xi’s primary organisational weapon in his ongoing campaign to combat corruption, enforce ideological unity and purge the party of potential rivals.20 The involvement of the CCDI serves as a strong indicator of how the party intends to exploit the vast troves of data that DC/EP will make available to it.

Competing with the US financial-led global financial system

The party’s six-year program to develop a sovereign digital currency has been driven in part by a desire to propose currency alternatives to the US dollar (see Section 6). Recently, however, it’s been spurred by the competition from US digital currencies. China’s finance and banking officials have repeatedly expressed concern at the prospect of a supranational stablecoin, which they perceive as being tied to the US dollar. They equate US digital currencies with US dollar hegemony and say that it reinforces the need to decouple the renminbi from the US-dollar-led global financial system.21 An article by the PBoC’s China Banknote Printing and Minting Corp. Blockchain Technology Research Institute,22 published in the CCP Central Party School journal Study Times in August 2019, described DC/EP as a response to US-based digital currency Libra’s imminent “major and far-reaching effect on the global pattern of international monetary development”, and called for accelerating China’s development of digital currency and a digital currency supervision system.23 Similarly, Wang Zhongmin, former deputy chair of the China Social Security Fund Council and a former long-serving CCDI official, has said DC/EP’s progress is being benchmarked against that US effort.24 Li Lihui, former Bank of China president and head of the Blockchain Research Group of the China Internet Finance Association, has also indicated that China’s banking sector views US currencies as a danger to China’s currency and an extension of US global financial leadership and democratic values.25 

Competing globally

China has a clear ambition to shape global technological and financial standards. With a new industrial policy (China Standards 2035) on the horizon, DC/EP and its related technologies are likely to be an important component in China’s push to establish a comprehensive alternative to the dollar system. The liberalisation of China’s current account is not required for export of the DC/EP technology stack to other countries. China’s ability to develop new financial technology that embeds authoritarian norms of control and surveillance may affect global standards and financial infrastructure well before the internationalisation of the renminbi is achieved.

3. DC/EP and surveillance

Dr Samantha Hoffman

DC/EP is being built to meet China’s specific needs, as defined by the party-state. In order to understand the CCP’s needs and their potential implications, it’s necessary to examine the tracking of money flow that is inherent in the DC/EP system, in conjunction with the supervision objectives those capabilities support. DC/EP’s surveillance and data collection potential doesn’t create fundamentally new forms of political or financial control but will enhance existing monitoring and surveillance capabilities.

Centralised control and visibility

DC/EP transactions are fully traceable. Yao Qian (the PBoC’s primary patent author on DC/EP) described DC/EP as having an ‘anonymous front end, real-name backend’.26 There’s an element of anonymity through a characteristic of DC/EP called ‘controlled anonymity’, but true anonymity doesn’t exist, as currency registration and traceability are built into DC/EP’s transaction process. That process, augmented by data mining and big-data analysis, provides the PBoC with the ability to have complete oversight over the use of the currency. That functionality is provided through DC/EP’s ‘three centres’ (Figure 3).

Figure 3: DC/EP’s data centres

Source: Created by ASPI

The term ‘controlled anonymity’ within the operation of DC/EP means that the PBoC has complete supervision over the digital currency but has afforded users some anonymity for their transactions and protection of their personal information from other third parties, besides PBoC. DC/EP has been designed such that, even if commercial banks and merchants were to collude, users’ purchase history couldn’t be determined by them or any other third party, except, crucially, the currency issuer.27

PBoC Deputy Governor Fan Yifei has explained that full anonymity won’t be implemented through DC/EP in order to discourage crimes such as tax evasion, terrorism financing and money laundering.28

All central banks would need to ensure that their digital currency meets anti-money-laundering and countering terrorism financing rules. Central bank digital currencies would allow for better digital records and traces, but it’s been suggested in a report by the Bank of International Settlements that such gains may be minimal because illicit activity is less likely to be conducted over a formal monetary system that’s fully traceable.29

DC/EP is designed so it can be used without the need for a bank account, but digital wallets have a grading system such that wallets that are loosely bound to a real-name account have transaction size limits. A user can attain the lowest grade of digital wallet—with the transaction limits—by registering their wallets with a mobile number only (of course, phone numbers are required to be registered to an individual’s real name in the PRC). Users can access higher grade digital wallets by linking to an ID or bank card. Through the Agricultural Bank of China, for instance, users are encouraged to upgrade their digital wallets to a ‘Level 2 digital wallet’ by registering with their name and national ID details (Figure 4).30 If a user registers in person at a counter, there are no restrictions on their digital wallet.31

Figure 4: Leaked Agriculture Bank of China DC/EP mobile application

Agricultural Bank of China’s test DC/EP mobile app provides the function to scan code to pay, transfer money, receive payment and touch phones to pay. The digital currency section allows the user to exchange digital currency, view transaction summaries, manage the digital wallet exchange and link an account to the digital currency wallet.

Source: ‘China’s central bank digital currency wallet is revealed’, Ledger Insights, online.

The integration of DC/EP into third-party applications doesn’t make users’ transactions on those applications more private, but the underlying digital currency system is designed to provide privacy from third parties (except, of course, the central bank). That being said, practicalities when implementing any payment system mean that in practice there’s little anonymity for the individual from any app, because the app will already know the user, and when transacting will need the user to identify the recipient of the funds and the transaction amount. Therefore, the implementation of DC/EP into mobile applications, such as DiDi Chuxing, BiliBili and Meituan Dianping, that are in partnership negotiations with PBoC32 doesn’t change the amount of information those apps, and by extension their linked platforms, are able to collect on the user.

Using DC/EP to enhance the party-state’s control

The PBoC’s creation of a massive repository of financial transaction data could improve both the efficiency and visibility required for the PBoC and CCDI to effectively supervise and police financial transactions. DC/EP’s political-discipline-linked policy drivers—anti-money-laundering, anti-terrorist financing and anti-tax evasion—are linked to the party-state’s ‘social governance’ process (also called ‘social management’). Social governance describes how the CCP leadership attempts to shape, manage and control all of society, including the party’s own members, through a process of co-option and coercion.33 DC/EP helps solve legitimate problems, but that problem solving also acts as a tool for enhancing control. For instance, a local PBoC official described ‘anti-money laundering’ as an ‘important means to prevent and defuse financial risks and consolidate social governance.’34 Similarly, an article by Deputy Governor of the PBoC Liu Guoqiang published in the People’s Daily said:

In recent years, the scope of anti-money laundering work has become increasingly diverse and has expanded to many areas such as anti-terrorist financing, anti-tax evasion and anti-corruption. Anti-money-laundering work has strengthening modern social governance as its goal, through guiding and requiring anti-money-laundering agencies to effectively carry out customer identification, discovering and monitoring large-value transactions and suspicious transactions, timely capturing abnormal capital flows, and enhancing the standardisation and transparency of economic and financial transactions to weave a ‘security net’ for the whole society to protect normal economic and financial activities from infringement …35

More specifically, the connection of DC/EP’s policy drivers to social management is indicative of how DC/EP would ultimately serve the party’s needs in practice. Through the PRC’s global Operation Skynet, which seeks to ‘track down fugitives suspected of economic crimes and confiscate their ill-gotten assets’, the PBoC cooperates directly with the Ministry of Public Security because of the role of the PBoC as an anti-money-laundering authority.36 Genuinely corrupt officials are certainly caught up in the campaign, but the accusation of corruption is the result of a political decision linked to power politics. Likewise, the crime of ‘terrorist financing’ is defined by the Chinese party-state’s version of ‘terrorism’, and it’s been directly linked to the PRC’s campaign against the Uyghurs in Xinjiang. For instance, in July 2020, Australian media reported on a Uyghur woman who has been arrested on charges of financing terrorism for sending money to her parents in Australia, who used it to purchase a house.37 DC/EP doesn’t create a process that didn’t already exist, but the technical ability to aggregate bulk user data in one place has the future potential to automate identification and analysis processes that at present are only partially automated; for example, to help trace money transfers through different entities at different levels.

Nor does DC/EP create objectives that didn’t already exist. Rather, its digital nature and centralised supervision facilitate the aggregation and bulk analysis of user and financial data, to more easily meet those objectives.

Future extraterritorial implications?

Under Xi Jinping, the concept of social management has expanded to specifically include ‘international social management’.38 Something to consider is the fact that Hong Kong’s new state security law criminalises separatism, subversion, terrorism, and collusion in and support for any of those activities by anyone in the world no matter where they are located.39 This means that journalists, human rights advocacy groups, researchers or anyone else accused of undermining the party-state and advocating for Hong Kong democracy could be accused of those four types of crime. By extension, anyone financing those individuals or entities (such as funding a research group) could potentially be linked to the accusations. If DC/EP is successfully rolled out and adopted, then the world would have to be prepared to contend with a PRC in possession of information that would also allow it to enforce its definitions of the activities that it’s monitoring (anti-corruption and anti-terrorism, for instance) globally, thus potentially allowing it to implement PRC standards and definitions of illegality beyond its borders with greater effectiveness.

4. The party-state ecosystem behind DC/EP

Dr Matthew Johnson

At the China Fintech Development Forum on 20 June 2020, Wang Zhongmin, the former deputy director of the China Social Security Fund Board (China’s national pension fund) and a former member of the CCP’s CCDI, announced that the back-end architecture for China’s central bank digital currency was basically complete.40 After six years of planning, investment and R&D, progress towards a cashless society had finally reached the testing stage (Figure 5, next page). The fact that this key announcement was made by a former member of the party’s political discipline inspection body, rather than a current or former official of the PBoC, demonstrates that the bureaucratic structure behind DC/EP’s development goes well beyond the central bank.

The speed with which DC/EP is being developed is partly a result of the enormous institutional power behind it. As well as the PBoC and the CCDI, the project is being shaped by a cluster of powerful regulatory and supervisory institutions that serve as the fulcrum for CCP efforts to maintain leverage over every element of the financial and economic systems.

Beyond the supervisory institutions, many of China’s biggest companies are also being called in to support. They include:

  • Bank of China, China Construction Bank, Agricultural Bank of China, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, China Postal Bank and China CITIC Bank
  • China Mobile, China Telecom, China Unicom, and China UnionPay
  • Alibaba Group affiliate Ant Group (Alipay), Tencent (WeChat Pay), Huawei Technologies and JD.com.

Figure 5: DC/EP development timeline

Source: Garnaut Global, September 2020.

PBoC leadership and innovation

The DC/EP project has been driven by the PBoC since its inception. Former PBoC Governor Zhou Xiaochuan established a digital currency research group in 2014. In March 2018, Zhou announced that the project had received approval from the State Council and now had a name—Digital Currency Electronic Payment.41

Through DC/EP, the PBoC has been swiftly transformed into a hub of party-state fintech innovation.

It has established its own technology units, such as the Digital Currency Research Institute, and harnessed a constellation of commercial enterprises and government agencies to drive investment in blockchain and fintech.42 More than 80 patents related to DC/EP have been filed with the Chinese Patent Office by research institutes connected to the PBoC.43 The standards created by these new technologies are likely to shape future development pathways for China’s cashless monetary system.

Information concerning local DC/EP pilots has been scarce, imprecise and occasionally misleading, but the overall trend it describes suggests that progress towards buildout of the user ‘front end’ is real.

Since April 2020, banks and government institutions have launched pilot distribution experiments and showcased prototype ‘digital wallets’ (apps that store payment details). The private sector has been particularly critical to building DC/EP’s scale; PBoC partners Alibaba Group and Tencent provide networks and raw data-processing power that no other state-controlled system can match (see Section 5).44

Powerful guidance

Outwardly shaped and managed by the PBoC, China’s DC/EP project is also guided by the top echelons of the CCP leadership. The PBoC itself isn’t independent but is one of several interconnected institutions, the function of which is, collectively, to prevent systemic risk through total control over China’s financial economy.45 The Financial Stability and Development Commission, chaired by Xi Jinping’s trusted economic adviser Liu He, sits at the apex of this financial regulatory cluster. The CCDI, the party’s extrajudicial discipline enforcer, encircles both, ensuring that regulatory officials adhere politically to Xi’s authority.46

Managing corruption: the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection

The CCDI sits several bureaucratic rungs above the PBoC and hasn’t featured in mainstream or industry reporting on DC/EP. Analysis of party texts and structures, however, indicates that the CCDI is emerging as one of the key patrons and potential customers of the DC/EP project. An ‘authoritative explainer’ on DC/EP, aired by national news broadcaster CCTV in June 2020, even explained that the CCDI would use digital currency as a ‘booster in managing corruption’.47

CCDI organisations are embedded directly within the PBoC itself, which is significant because it illustrates the party’s growing control over the central bank as well as other systemically important financial institutions.48 The CCDI is one of the party’s four core departments. It’s answerable directly to the Politburo Standing Committee through its Secretary, Zhao Leji, who’s the sixth-ranked leader in the Party (Figure 6). Three of Zhao’s deputies sit in the Central Committee. Compared to the CCDI, the PBoC is politically a relatively junior organisation. Its Governor, Yi Gang, isn’t counted among the 205 members of the Central Committee.49

Figure 6: DC/EP’s political and commercial ecosystem

Source: Garnaut Global, June 2020.

Coordinating security: the Financial Stability and Development Committee

In July 2017, Xi Jinping moved to integrate financial system regulation with the Party’s political, security, and legal organs by creating a new super agency called the Financial Stability and Development Committee (FSDC).50 Xi tapped Vice Premier Liu He to chair the committee, with Premier Li Keqiang as his deputy.51 The FSDC now serves as China’s main financial regulatory body.52

It also serves as the institutional flywheel that connects the finance system to key security organs.

 According to state-controlled economic news media, the FSDC has special ‘planning and coordination’ arrangements with the party-state’s core security bodies, including the CCDI, the Propaganda Department, the Office of the Commission for Internet Security and Informatisation, the Ministry of Public Security, the Ministry of Justice and the Supreme People’s Court.53 The FSDC also oversees local financial coordination and regulation through local branches of the Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, the Securities Regulatory Commission and the Foreign Exchange Bureau.54 The Office of the FSDC is located within the PBoC and is directed by PBoC Governor Yi Gang, illustrating the ‘deputy’ function that the PBoC plays in implementing FSDC policy.55
 

5. The role of WeChat Pay and Alipay in DC/EP

Fergus Ryan and Alexandra Pascoe

China’s mobile payments industry has seen explosive growth over the past decade as the country’s two most widely used mobile payment services, Alipay and WeChat Pay, have garnered more than 890 million users.56 The two platforms have driven a shift away from cash in the country’s economy— an effort that DC/EP is expected to continue and complete.

In 2016, China’s mobile payments hit US$5.5 trillion, or roughly 50 times the size of America’s $112 billion market, according to consulting firm iResearch.57 The following year, that figure more than doubled: transactions made on the two third-party payment institutions (TPPIs) totalled more than US$17 trillion.58 Using QR codes and digital wallets, the companies enabled consumers to jump directly from cash to mobile payments. That saw users leapfrog the nascent and cumbersome debit and credit card systems established by the commercial banking sector. Collectively, the two TPPIs hold more than 90% of the market. Alipay has over 50% market share, and WeChat Pay almost 40%.59 Ninety per cent of people in China’s biggest cities use those payment platforms as their primary payment method; each platform boasts more than 600 million monthly active users.60

Beijing’s policy towards the TPPIs was marked by early optimism about the ability of the companies to break down the control of the banking system by the Big Four state-owned commercial banks.

The aim was to increase competition and innovation in the financial sector and drive economic activity by opening up additional sources of lending for Chinese small and medium-sized enterprises.

The disruption and innovation brought about by Alibaba and Tencent were actively encouraged and coupled with favourable government policies and protection from international competition.

However, Alipay’s and WeChat Pay’s rapid growth and increasing level of dominance have caused the overt encouragement of the fintech sector and regulatory permissiveness to increasingly shift to ambivalence and moves to enhance oversight over the payment systems.

In 2010, the PBoC enacted regulations that meant that foreign-funded third-party operators would need State Council approval to operate in the Chinese market, and under different rules from those governing domestic operators. That ruling prompted Alibaba founder Jack Ma, in a highly controversial decision, to secretly spin off the online payment service Alipay from Alibaba Group, which foreign operators Yahoo and Softbank have significant stakes in, to a private firm he controlled.61

In a text-message exchange with Hu Shuli, the editor of business magazine Caixin, Ma sought to explain his decision to spin off the company without the go-ahead from Yahoo and Softbank by saying the decision involved ‘more than just commercial interests’ and that there were national security implications to Alipay’s ownership structure. ‘The market economy tells us to steer clear of politics.

But if I ruin Alipay, I may face prison in addition to bankruptcy,’ Ma texted Hu.62 The spun-off firm was later renamed Ant Financial and now operates Alipay.

Like its rival, Tencent, Alibaba and Ant Financial both have CCP committees as part of their governance structures.63 The CCP has a direct line into both companies, but policymakers are increasingly concerned about the inordinate power of the duopoly. There are also concerns over the speed with which their third-party payment ecosystems have taken over systemically important functions of the country’s economy.

Driven by concerns over the growing size of money market funds facilitated by Alipay and WeChat Pay (Yu’e bao 余额宝 and Lingqiantong 零钱通), as part of its ‘deleveraging campaign’ in 2017,64 the PBoC expanded its regulatory oversight of the TPPIs, ordering the firms to move funds out of commercial banks and into PBoC accounts. In 2019, that process was completed when the central bank took over all deposits of platforms such as Alipay and WeChat Pay.65 This has helped to address risks associated with shadow banking, while also moving valuable user transaction data into the hands of the PBoC.

Most recently, it was reported that the State Council is considering whether to launch an antitrust investigation into Alipay and WeChat Pay. The PBoC recommended the probe earlier this year, given the platforms’ dominance and attempts to foster greater competition in the payments space by assisting smaller companies to enter the market.66

Co-opting Alipay and WeChat Pay

DC/EP will be made available through a two-tier system. The central bank plans to issue DC/EP to both commercial banks and TPPIs, and then the banks and TPPIs would distribute it to consumers. In this case, the current financial structure doesn’t change with DC/EP, only the mechanism through which commercial banks and TPPIs get their money.

The PBoC could have dealt a serious blow to Alipay and WeChat Pay by excluding them from the second tier of the structure. However, given the user base of the two payment platforms, that would severely limit the take-up and use of the digital currency. The PBoC appears to be bringing Alipay and WeChat Pay into the DC/EP structure on its own terms, allowing it to continue its quest to rein in the dominance of the firms while also using their user base and technology.

Patent applications from both Alibaba and Tencent appear to indicate the role that these platforms will play in the issuance of DC/EP. Between 21 February and 17 March 2020, Alibaba filed five patents on ‘digital currency delivery and transaction account functions, supervision and handling of illegal accounts, digital currency wallets, [and] support for anonymous transactions’.67 On 24 April, it was also reported that Tencent had filed a patent related to the transaction of digital assets, although the report didn’t directly refer to the PBoC’s digital currency, as appeared in Alipay’s patents.68

That being said, how exactly the PBoC and TPPIs will cooperate remains unclear. How those institutions distribute DC/EP will be the subject of a ‘horse race’ between the commercial banks and the TPPIs, the eventual frontrunner of which will ‘take the whole market’, the head of the PBoC Digital Currency Research Institute, Mu Changchun, told an audience in Hong Kong in 2019.69 That echoed comments made in 2018 by PBoC Deputy Governor Fan Yifei, who wrote that the central bank could leverage market forces to optimise related systems through close cooperation with commercial banks and other organisations, without imposing any prescriptive technology path in advance. This would facilitate resource integration, synergistic collaborations and innovation, as well.70

Mu Changchun has trumpeted DC/EP as having a superior legal and security status to WeChat Pay and Alipay due to its state backing.71 He has said that, should Alipay or WeChat Pay go bankrupt, there’s currently no way to assure the money held in those digital wallets. However, if the wallets held PBoC-backed digital currency, those funds could be guaranteed by the central bank.

The alleged superior security of DC/EP is perhaps more a rhetorical point from Mu, rather than reflecting any real possibility of Ant Financial or Tencent going bust. Furthermore, regulation changes requiring Alipay and WeChat Pay deposits to be moved into PBoC accounts mean that the PBoC has already clawed back a fair degree of oversight and control over funds held by those platforms.

Mu’s statements, along with references to how DC/EP will allow for anonymous transactions, taking user transaction data out of the hands of ‘private’ firms and into the hands of the central bank, appear to be aimed at sowing distrust in the non-state platforms and motivating trust in the PBoC’s digital currency in an attempt to drive take-up.

Recent reporting citing sources ‘familiar with the thinking’ of the PBoC states that DC/EP is aimed at eroding the dominance of Alipay and WeChat Pay in the digital payments space and providing a more level playing field between the two payment giants and the commercial banks.72 While DC/EP certainly presents an opportunity for greater competition—with commercial banks advancing their own user-facing offerings of digital wallets and QR codes—the current market share of Alipay and WeChat Pay means that it’s unlikely that the commercial banks will be able to quickly gain a stronger foothold in the payments space. It’s true that the PBoC has tried to rein in the dominance of Alipay and WeChat Pay, but it’s likely that the two platforms will play some role in DC/EP’s success.

According to PBoC statements, the transaction processing requirement for DC/EP is an average of 300,000 transactions per second (tps).73 While Tencent’s fintech division processes an average of 1 billion transactions per day, on Singles Day in 2019, Alibaba reportedly demonstrated its ability to process 544,000 tps.74 It’s unclear how closely Alibaba is working with the PBoC on DC/EP and, although it could be called on for assistance if asked, the PBoC would be building its own back-end architecture, meaning that it couldn’t simply replicate Alibaba’s system. Despite that, the raw data-processing power of Alibaba, and to a lesser degree of Tencent, is unmatched by any state-controlled system. Without an ability to at least match Alibaba’s capabilities in this area, widespread voluntary take-up of DC/EP will be difficult to achieve.

Future adoption

Given the ubiquity of Alipay and WeChat Pay in China, implementing digital wallets via the commercial banks alone would not readily result in the wide-scale adoption and use of DC/EP that the PBoC hopes for.

There’s speculation that the PBoC will provide incentives to drive take-up in the use of digital currency, for instance by providing salaries and travel subsidies in the digital currency, or not charging merchants a fee to accept DC/EP. Those incentives could be coupled with further measures to limit the dominance of Alipay and WeChat Pay and to boost the competitiveness of the commercial banks.

But, since most people in China’s biggest cities use either WeChat Pay or Alipay as their main payment method, the PBoC needs the user base of those platforms to achieve scale. The way in which the payment platforms are integrated into Chinese people’s daily lives means that Alipay and WeChat users are unlikely to quickly switch to a different wallet that, from a user’s perspective, barely differs from what they already use.75 As indicated by patent applications, the two payment platforms appear to have scoped out a role within the DC/EP system in order to maintain their user base and position in the payments space.

Further, Alipay and WeChat Pay are working hard to stay ahead of a QR-code-based DC/EP, exploring the development of payments systems based on facial-recognition technology.76

Thus, DC/EP can’t be read simply as an attempt to wind back the dominance of Alipay and WeChat Pay. 

Beijing is likely to be working to strike a balance between using the technology and user base of the platforms while encouraging greater involvement from other players in the payments space.

6. DC/EP’s potential internationalisation and the global economy

The Chinese Government has stated that one driver behind its attempts to internationalise the renminbi is to create a substantial rival to the US dollar. From Beijing’s perspective, a US-led global economy is a potential threat to the Chinese party-state’s stability, because the US could leverage economic tools that could act as a catalyst for disrupting Chinese economic and social stability.77

Recent developments in Hong Kong illustrate why the party-state takes that threat seriously. In reaction to the Hong Kong State Security Law enacted on 1 July, the US and EU have both threatened sanctions on foreign financial institutions that knowingly do business with Chinese officials involved in stifling the protests.78 If taken to extremes, such sanctions could damage the Chinese economy and stifle development. Of course, Beijing has also suggested that any ‘rash’ US sanctions ultimately could damage US companies as well, including via possible Chinese retaliation.79

If DC/EP supports the PRC’s efforts to gain a stronger foothold in the international economic system, it could also help the PRC disrupt the existing system of global economic governance, which among other things could reduce the impact of international sanctions.

Renminbi internationalisation?

Since the 2009 global financial crisis, the internationalisation of the renminbi has been a significant PBoC objective. China’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016–2020) clearly outlined the ambition, stating that China ‘will take systematic steps to realize RMB capital account convertibility, making the RMB more convertible and freely usable, so as to steadily promote RMB’.80 Its efforts to achieve that goal to date have included signing bilateral currency swap agreements,81 agreeing to add the currency to the International Monetary Fund’s Special Drawing Rights basket of currencies82 and investing heavily in renminbi-based regional projects.83

The nature of the Chinese economy and political system, however, undermines those objectives. Most internationalised currencies are associated with relatively open economies. In maintaining a ‘closed’ capital account84 and tight controls on the economy, Beijing inhibits its own internationalisation attempts. The renminbi doesn’t compete seriously on the international stage, even compared to its regional competitors, such as the Japanese yen. SWIFT’s June 2020 RMB Tracker statistics list the renminbi as the sixth most active currency for global payments by value, following the dollar, euro, pound, yen, and Swiss franc.

That being said, DC/EP could allow China to further define the global standards for emerging financial technologies, giving Beijing space to shape international standards (particularly as opposed to rival stablecoins). As a result, DC/EP may serve as a model for digitising a fiat currency—which would create a new form of power for Beijing. As a new technology, DC/EP’s incorporation into Chinese apps and cross-border trade might not have major implications initially, but could enable the PRC to push other countries’ financial technology out of developing markets.

Through DC/EP, payments would be settled as soon as possession of the digital currency changes, as opposed to the current system, which relies on intermediaries. Most current transaction methods are technically reversible for a period of time, depending on the speed and communication of the banks involved. This change would have significant implications for internationalisation via Chinese regional initiatives, particularly the BRI. If Beijing moves BRI payments to DC/EP, it could create DC/EP-based automated payments across more than 60 countries.85 Requiring DC/EP in payments doesn’t necessarily translate to those countries choosing to hold DC/EP or transact in it in any meaningful way, but it would provide an incentive for them to increase renminbi transactions where they might otherwise be reluctant. In any case, this process would be likely to take years. Even the integration of DC/EP into China’s financial activities wouldn’t necessarily lead to other countries choosing to either keep or spend DC/EP on their own.

An alternative to SWIFT?

If DC/EP succeeds, it could help reduce the PRC’s reliance on the SWIFT system. SWIFT is viewed as a secure financial messaging service that plays a vital role in connecting the international banking system.

Although the system itself has some flaws,86 it’s the mechanism by which financial institutions are able to communicate with each other, sending and receiving information about transactions in order to complete transfers and settlements. SWIFT acts as an intermediary for most global bank transactions, and the US has a capability to access those transactions for national security concerns.

For example, in 2006, the US Department of the Treasury went through SWIFT’s database to identify transactions tied to al-Qaeda, instructing SWIFT to block terror-related transactions.87 If SWIFT declines to be involved in a transaction, the transfer won’t go through. Naturally, this perceived level of oversight and control is concerning to many other global actors, especially those under sanctions.

Global reliance on SWIFT is one of the most crucial pieces of the financial system, and its impact is one that China doesn’t underestimate. In 2019, Huang Qifan, Deputy Director of the China Center for International Economic Exchange, stated that SWIFT is ‘gradually becoming [a] financial instrument for the United States to exercise global hegemony and exercise long-arm jurisdiction,’ citing examples of the US using the SWIFT database to blacklist and freeze transactions from Iranian banks over terrorism financing allegations, as well as the US’s 2014 threats to exclude Russia from the system altogether.88

The threats alone had an intensely negative impact on the Russian economy and depreciated the rouble.89

According to PBoC official Li Wei, through the BRI, China seeks to establish a ‘financial standard exchange cooperation and build a “hard mechanism” of … financial infrastructure cooperation’.90

To date, Beijing’s attempts to create an alternative to SWIFT have resulted in the introduction of the Cross-Border Inter-Bank Payments System (CIPS) in 2015. In 2018, CIPS handled approximately US$3.7 trillion.91 SWIFT, meanwhile, facilitated the transfer of US$40 trillion in 2018 and US$77 trillion in 2019.92

Bypassing sanctions?

The creation of an effective alternative to SWIFT would create an opportunity for Beijing to bypass international sanctions. In fact, CIPS has already been used by countries exposed to US sanctions, such as Turkey and Russia, to avoid SWIFT.93 If foreign businesses are able to bypass US banks and US currency, then the impact of US sanctions would be significantly reduced. While CIPS aids efforts to bypass US banks and currency, DC/EP could be implemented as a key part of the settlement system or as an alternative transaction method functioning in parallel to CIPS. It’s worth noting, however, that CIPS can carry any currency, while DC/EP will be limited to the renminbi.

DC/EP offers the opportunity to move away from the SWIFT system, as it appears DC/EP would have the same messaging capabilities that SWIFT and CIPS provide, but it would remove the need for intermediaries. DC/EP, therefore, could serve as a new messaging system that allows sanctions evasion, as an article published in Chinese state media argued:

[a] sovereign digital currency provides a functional alternative to the dollar settlement system and blunts the impact of any sanctions or threats of exclusion both at a country and company level. It may also facilitate integration into globally traded currency markets with a reduced risk of politically inspired disruption.94

Other state actors, such as North Korea, may also be attracted to the option to use DC/EP to evade sanctions. North Korea is widely understood as a proficient and successful cyber actor with an interest in cryptocurrencies and blockchain.95 Given Pyongyang’s interest in cryptocurrencies and increased holdings in various coins, any possibility of China allowing transactions between cryptocurrencies, such as bitcoin or Monero, and DC/EP could prove to be extremely beneficial to North Korea, and any other sanctioned actors. The most difficult part of sanctions evasion using cryptocurrency is the exfiltration point into fiat (or other digital) currency—DC/EP could offer a solution to that problem.

While, initially, given Beijing’s oversight, engaging with DC/EP might not be the ideal way past SWIFT, tightened sanctions and limited options could lead various sanctioned countries to view Beijing as their best path forward.

7. Recommendations

DC/EP’s rollout is likely to have notable ramifications for governments, investors and companies, including China’s own tech champions. More analysis is needed before prescriptive policy solutions can be developed for the political and financial oversight challenges DC/EP could create. At the same time, it’s important to act in anticipation of key shifts in global financial regulation and advances in financial technology, so that governments don’t end up trying to reverse course when it’s too late to deal with the systemic risks DC/EP could create.

We suggest the following:

  1. If DC/EP achieves global take-up, the political features it embeds won’t be possible to effectively mitigate or regulate. Therefore, governments must be prepared to mitigate the political risks by investing in research into and the development of credible alternatives to DC/EP for all key highly traded currencies.
  2. Decision-makers in liberal democracies must develop a clear strategy for detecting flaws in and improving the existing system for global financial governance and work to improve international coordination among each other to achieve those strategic outcomes.
  3. Liberal democracies should establish domestic laws on data privacy and protection. They should regulate the ways that any entity can collect and use individuals’ data, improve oversight and improve due diligence aimed at mitigating data security risks.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank several anonymous peer reviewers, as well as Michael Shoebridge, Fergus Hanson, Danielle Cave, James Aitken, Bill Bishop, Stephen Joske and Greg Walton for their helpful feedback.

This independent research was partly supported by a US$50,000 grant from Facebook, Inc. Additional research costs were covered from ICPC’s mixed revenue base. The work of ASPI ICPC would not be possible without the support of our partners and sponsors across governments, industry and civil society.

What is ASPI?

The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non‑partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally. ASPI’s sources of funding are identified in our Annual Report, online at www.aspi.org.au and in the acknowledgements section of individual publications. ASPI remains independent in the content of the research and in all editorial judgements.

ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre

ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) is a leading voice in global debates on cyber, emerging and critical technologies, issues related to information and foreign interference and focuses on the impact these issues have on broader strategic policy. The centre has a growing mixture of expertise and skills with teams of researchers who concentrate on policy, technical analysis, information operations and disinformation, critical and emerging technologies, cyber capacity building, satellite analysis, surveillance and China-related issues.

The ICPC informs public debate in the Indo-Pacific region and supports public policy development by producing original, empirical, data-driven research. The ICPC enriches regional debates by collaborating with research institutes from around the world and by bringing leading global experts to Australia, including through fellowships. To develop capability in Australia and across the Indo-Pacific region, the ICPC has a capacity building team that conducts workshops, training programs and large-scale exercises for the public and private sectors.

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This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in relation to the subject matter covered. It is provided with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering any form of professional or other advice or services. No person should rely on the contents of this publication without first obtaining advice from a qualified professional.

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First published October 2020.

ISSN 2209-9689 (online), ISSN 2209-9670 (print)

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Funding statement: Funding for this report was partly provided by Facebook Inc.

  1. Codruta Boar, Henry Holden, Amber Wadsworth, ‘Impending arrival—a sequel to the survey on central bank digital currency’, Bank for International Settlements, January 2020, online; see also Raphael Auer, Giulio Cornelli, Jon Frost, ‘Rise of the central bank digital currencies: drivers, approaches and technologies’, Bank for International Settlements, August 2020, online. ↩︎

Snapshot of a shadow war

The rapid escalation in the long-running conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia which took place in late September 2020 has been shadowed by a battle across social media for control of the international narrative about the conflict. On Twitter, large numbers of accounts supporting both sides have been wading in on politicised hashtags linked to the conflict. Our findings indicate large-scale coordinated activity. While much of this behaviour is likely to be authentic, our analysis has also found a significant amount of suspicious and potentially inauthentic behaviour.

The goal of this research piece is to observe and document some of the early dynamics of the information battle playing out in parallel to the conflict on the ground and create a basis for further, more comprehensive research. This report is in no way intended to undermine the legitimacy of authentic social media conversations and debate taking place on all sides of the conflict.

Ensuring a trusted 5G ecosystem of vendors and technology

What’s the problem?

5G will be the next generation of mobile telecommunications.

There are differing views on how quickly it will become commonplace and exactly what form it will take, but it will ultimately transform much of what we do and how society functions. The trustworthiness, security and resilience of 5G networks will therefore be critical. A key part of this will be the partnerships that network operators form with vendors to provide and maintain the network infrastructure. There’s now a good understanding that 5G will underpin critical national infrastructure in a way that previous telecommunication technologies don’t, and that supply-chain trust and security are key national security issues.

Australia and some other countries have eliminated specific vendors from their 5G supply chains, but the space is globally contested and there is no consensus on what happens next. There is a need for a trusted ecosystem of vendors, which may also bring enormous opportunities for states, including Australia, to develop sovereign 5G capabilities and grow their 5G market. However, barriers to entry and a lack of consensus among key 5G stakeholders across the public and private sectors are holding up progress towards these goals.

What’s the solution?

It’s time to move on from debates about individual vendors to understand what a trusted ecosystem of 5G vendors and technology should consist of, what needs to be done to achieve that outcome and how we still manage the residual risks associated with vendors. Rather than looking at the trustworthiness of individual vendors as a binary yes/no decision at a particular point in time, policymakers and industry need to understand the spectrum of vendor risk and put in place measures to manage different levels of risk. The highest risk vendors can be excluded, but residual risks need to be understood and mitigated. The costs of insecure systems must be recognised and better explained.

Governments need to work together to build an environment that promotes a resilient supply chain with a plurality of trusted suppliers to avoid the risk of operators putting all their eggs in one basket.

If the security of one vendor is compromised, that shouldn’t compromise the whole network or all the networks. This will require initiatives to promote diversity and interoperability, including standards setting, testing and integration facilities, and regulation. If implemented correctly, this will not only improve cybersecurity but also provide an economic opportunity for industry. States need to find the most promising opportunities to develop key sovereign 5G capabilities, including in Australia, and take that same approach to other key enabling technologies in order to avoid similar supply-chain security challenges in the future. The window of opportunity is open now, so we need to lead by taking action now and encouraging other like-minded countries to follow and coordinate with us.

Introduction

5G is a subject that seems to come up in almost every discussion about the future of technology.

Numerous networks are already advertising 5G services, on the basis that they deploy new, more efficient 5G radios at the edge of the network. However, the real transformation, in which the major security implications arise, of a merged ‘core’ and ‘edge’ operating inside a cloud environment is yet to arrive. While there may be debates about how quickly the full 5G transformation will happen and what form it will take, there’s no doubt that it has the potential to transform much of what we do. As this technology becomes an integral part of our lives, the trustworthiness, security and resilience of 5G networks will become ever more critical. A key part of this is the suppliers who will build and maintain the network equipment, and this has led to numerous discussions about the trustworthiness of particular vendors and to some countries, including Australia, banning Chinese vendors such as Huawei and ZTE from their 5G network builds.

This paper aims to broaden the global discussion. Given that all 5G network operators will need to rely on vendor partnerships to build and operate their networks, what are the desired characteristics of the vendor ecosystem that supports operators and what practical policy options should be considered to help achieve that?

This paper is based on a review of existing global literature and interviews with key stakeholders from vendors, network operators and governments in Australia and overseas. The views of these stakeholders – across the public and private sectors – differed considerably in a range of areas. This, in itself, is a part of the problem– there is often not agreed consensus on key topics and therefore the right pathway forward.

This report begins with a review of what 5G is, the current state of technology and rollouts, and the implications and considerations for the cybersecurity of 5G networks, and then looks at the current vendor environment, market opportunities and barriers to entry and diversity, leading to recommendations for the way forward.

What is 5G?

New generations of mobile technology come along about every 10 years, driven by increasing volumes of data, increased variety of data and the rapid velocity of change in types of data usage. The 5th generation, or 5G, the latest one, is starting to be implemented now and will ultimately replace the 4G networks that began to appear in 2010. However, existing technologies will probably still be with us alongside 5G for many years to come. Change between each mobile generation is not always a step change, and there have been incremental updates between generations. In fact, the first mobile data devices, including the first iPhone, used a technology called GPRS, which was sometimes referred to as ‘2.5G’.

The internationally accepted technical standards are set by an organisation known as the 3rd Generation Partnership Project (3GPP1). As the name implies, this was originally for 3G mobile networks, but it’s taken the lead for 4G and 5G without an update of its name.

It’s generally accepted that true 5G networks require the implementation of at least R15 of the 3GPP standard.2 In simple terms, there are three key components of ‘real’ 5G:

  1. Faster mobile broadband speeds: This is generally the most common public perception of 5G—how many gigabits of speed can be provided to a mobile handset and hence how quickly you can download an ultra-HD movie to your phone. However, this is unlikely to be what delivers transformational change in how we use mobile devices; nor will it provide the revenues to justify the investment made by network operators.
  2. Ultra-reliable low-latency communications: These are needed for extremely time-sensitive and mission-critical applications, such as remote factory automation and so on. It’s even been suggested that this could enable remote robotic surgery in which a surgeon is able to get real-time feedback on how the patient reacts to steps taken and can reliably make changes that are implemented in real time.
  3. Massive machine-to-machine communications: 5G networks will enable a much greater density of transmitting and receiving devices, especially if they’re sending small amounts of data. This will enable large-scale monitoring, measuring and sensing applications in which large numbers of devices directly communicate with each other without human intervention—machine-to-machine communications. This is sometimes also referred to as the ‘internet of things’. While this is already starting to happen, 5G networks will enable exponential growth in the numbers of connected devices.

Other key features, depending on how networks are configured, can include ‘edge computing’, in which the equivalents of current cloud computing capabilities are brought closer to wireless devices to enable more rapid processing, and ‘network slicing’, in which different customers, applications, or both can have their own virtual slices of a common physical network.

In the underlying technology stack (see box), a key part of 5G network architecture is increased ‘virtualisation’, in which more and more functionality is implemented in software, including even the underlying network topology. This enables greater flexibility and agility in how they will be used, but also, as we shall see, brings greater complexity and potential security vulnerabilities.

It would be fair to say that no one really knows what 5G networks will be used for—including the service providers who will need to commercialise and monetise them. However, it’s certain that they’ll drive ever more usage and reliance on mobile data networks, and in particular more and more critical applications, transforming our way of life in ways not yet even imagined. Of course, this isn’t unusual for new technologies—remember that the worldwide explosion in SMS messaging since the late 1990s came from an obscure engineering feature included in the 2G mobile specifications that was intended for network service messages.

5G technology components

At the conceptual level, a telecoms network consists of:

  • a radio access network (RAN)—antennas and electronics that convert between the radio signals sent to and from wireless devices and the bits and bytes sent as signals on network cables and inside computer equipment
  • a core network that manages and carries the network traffic between the mobile devices and the other computer and network components, and also authenticates and provisions services to users
  • traditional ICT—routers, switches and servers that provide the data transport, storage, processing and logic.

Within each of these ‘black boxes’ are a huge number of electronic components, some of which are specialised for the functions of 5G, such as high-density antennas and signal processing, and some of which are more generic (Figure 1).

Figure 1: A 5G network

The overall user experience is delivered by applications and services that run across the top of these components: different bits of software may run on different components of the system but work together to provide a seamless experience for the user. One of the differences in moving to 5G is that more and more will be done in software, and in order to provide the full experience the application service provider will need to run specific software on more parts of the network.

For example, today a messaging service such as WhatsApp requires specialised software running on the end-user device and on the WhatsApp servers. Tomorrow, supporting remote surgical procedures via a 5G network may require software running on the radio access nodes and servers at the edge of the network to meet the response time requirements.

This virtualisation will enable greater service customisation, scale and optimisation. The standards even envisage ‘network slicing’, in which there may be a dedicated ‘slice’ across the whole system for a particular user group and application service—effectively, computational and network resources on every box reserved just for them.

Overview of current 5G technology maturity

Preparations for 5G by telecommunications network operators are proceeding at pace. At the end of 2019, it was estimated that 348 operators in 199 countries had announced plans to invest in 5G.3

However, implementation and take-up have been slow to date. Only 77 operators have deployed 5G technology, and 61 operators in 34 countries have launched services. Although only limited 5G-enabled devices are currently available, Ericsson estimates that there were 13 million users globally at the end of 2019, mostly driven by take-up in Korea and China.4 The same report forecasts an estimated 2.6 billion active 5G subscriptions by 2025, but even that pre-pandemic estimate would still be less than a third of all mobile subscriptions.

While a glance at advertising material might make you think that fully featured 5G networks are commonplace in many major countries, the advertising doesn’t tell you that those deployments are often only part of the overall 5G capability. Generally, operators have implemented radio interfaces that allow users to experience the faster mobile broadband speeds of 5G, but not other features.

Even the radio interfaces are generally not using the cloud-based radio processing included in the 5G standards. Almost all currently deployed networks are built on top of existing 3G/4G networks (referred to as ‘NSA’, or non-stand-alone), which has allowed rapid rollout. That means that, while 5G coverage may be limited (for example, to just parts of major cities in Australia), users can have a seamless experience when moving in and out of 5G coverage. Chinese mobile providers had previously announced plans to deploy a stand-alone (SA) 5G network in the last quarter of 2019, but appear to have settled for an initial NSA deployment.

A full 5G core and SA network architecture will be needed to enable the other key features, such as low latency and massive machine-to-machine communications, and hence many of the transformational and mission-critical applications. This will require significant new investment in an environment in which network operators have had low margins from their existing businesses, even before the pandemic. The last-minute decision by China Telecom to change its deployment from an SA network to NSA probably confirms the challenges in implementing SA networks and the immaturity of the technology. That said, we are seeing some evidence of SA deployments this year despite all the disruption, for example with Telstra claiming to have made their network “standalone-ready” in May 20205, but it’s clear that the full concepts and designs for true next-generation architectures and applications are still emerging.

5G standards and interoperability

Looking at the current 5G standards, it’s clear that there’s much to be defined. The current widely-implemented version of the 3GPP standard is R15, which really focuses on migration from 4G to 5G, and even for this operators have noted that different vendors have different approaches to the coexistence of the generations and to fallback from 5G to 4G when 5G isn’t available. The next version of the standard, R16, issued in July 2020, starts to look at specific use cases such as industrial internet of things applications and better power consumption, but we’ll need to wait for R17, the scope of which isn’t even confirmed yet, in order to define some of the more critical features.

A further complication is that the agreement of standards, once considered a very dry subject in which technical experts put their heads together and collaborate to get the best technical outcomes, has now become politicised. Some nation-states have realised that there are advantages in influencing choices towards areas where they have expertise and technical leadership. This can help provide ‘first mover’ advantage in implementation and can also often deliver value from existing patents in the form of royalties (from manufacturers that make standards-compliant products) that can be reinvested in R&D to maintain a leading position.

As an example, in May 2018, it appears that Chinese companies were pressured into backing a Huawei proposal over one from US rival Qualcomm, and Lenovo’s founder was forced to issue a statement denying the company had been unpatriotic and failed to back its compatriot in the final round of voting.6 This is hardly surprising, given that homegrown technologies are often a matter of national pride, and China has set an explicit goal of becoming ‘a standards-issuing country’.7 The rewards for success in influencing the standards can be immense, in the form of both tangible, monetary rewards (licensing fees can be worth several billions of dollars a year to a company) and the intangible—the ability to influence how technology is used (see, for example, recent proposals by Huawei to the International Telecommunication Union for a ‘New IP’ internet architecture, which some have seen as an attempt introduce new, authoritarian-friendly values8).

Therefore, standard setting has become a key to global power and influence, but Australia and other allies don’t appear to have recognised this and hence aren’t currently in a position to compete in this sphere.

Although 5G is based on an ‘open standard’ published by the 3GPP consortium there are still factors that work against easy interoperability. Apart from the usual engineering challenge that different engineers may interpret standards differently, the standards definition process may be being manipulated, and in any case lags well behind what vendors are developing and carriers are implementing. The challenges from immature technology and the standards processes are undoubtedly a factor driving carriers to prefer single-vendor end-to-end solutions.

Although 3GPP, a body dominated by carriers and vendors, has become the de facto leader in mobile network standards, it is only one of a number of potential bodies. There is a potential overlap with the International Telecommunications Union which is an international member state, treaty based organisation, and there are also other competing standards bodies such as ISO and ETSI. Making a choice about how and where to develop standards has became a matter of values and geopolitics, often at the expense of technology considerations.

Some carriers have recognised these challenges, in particular in relation to radio signalling and the problems of getting different base stations to work together, and have established their own initiatives, such as the OpenRAN venture under the Facebook-headed Telecom Infra Project. This initiative is intended to reduce the expense of providing internet and voice services by standardising the design and functionality of hardware and software in the RAN, increasing the number of companies that can supply components for the infrastructure that carries mobile traffic. There are a number of competing interests at play here: carriers and Facebook would like telecommunications in general to be cheaper; incumbents would prefer no increase in competition; and some states have interests in promoting national champions. Despite this, the OpenRAN initiative appears to be gathering momentum, with at least one global player, Nokia, recently committing to Open RAN interfaces9.

Another development has been the announcement by a number of global carriers, including Telstra, of the establishment of the 5G Future Forum, which intends to produce uniform interoperability specifications, develop public and private marketplaces to enhance access to technology and share global best practice.10

If these sorts of initiatives don’t succeed and the global 5G market ends up with different vendors dominant in different geographies, without clear standards and interoperability, there’s a very real risk of long-term incompatibilities that will undermine many of the potential benefits. After all, it’s happened before—in the 1990s, the major US carriers chose a technology called CDMA, while the rest of the world followed the GSM standard.11 The current lack of a major US network equipment vendor is probably at least partially due to that bifurcation—US companies concentrated on developing a technology that no one else used and ended up in a technical dead end.

5G and cybersecurity

Why is cybersecurity seen as so critical for 5G networks? Because 5G isn’t just the next natural stage in the evolution of wireless networks. 5G is about more than movie downloads. The likely applications and use cases will become critical to the functioning of governments, companies and society, including cyber-physical and safety-critical systems that will rely on the network. Not only do we need to be concerned about the confidentiality of data and users on the network, but we also need to consider the impacts of an attacker potentially compromising the availability and integrity of the systems, including the risks of the attacker being able to take down the whole network at once.

Australian and many other governments have already identified telecommunications networks as critical national infrastructure that’s essential to the effective functioning of society and therefore requiring additional regulation and attention, and it’s easy to understand why.12 In Australia in recent months, we’ve seen the chaos caused by outages of electronic payment (EFTPOS) systems for a few hours, making it impossible for people to buy basic items because they’re unused to carrying cash.13

Now imagine the impact of a smart city suddenly losing all traffic sensor data and the ability to control traffic lights. An attacker could cause major accidents by maliciously changing the data being sent to traffic lights. In fact, given some of the potential applications enabled by 5G, it could be possible to cause major disruption by more subtle changes. If applications such as remote driving of vehicles rely on ultra-low latency, what would happen if an attacker introduced a small delay to some or all network traffic?

The increasing importance of the network, combined with the increased risk that a cyber breach will cause major real-world consequences, means that the cybersecurity of 5G networks must be a critical consideration, planned and accounted for from the outset. Risk management approaches should also consider the more sensitive functions that are used by national security and law enforcement authorities, such as compliance with legislation on telecommunications interception and data retention, which may create additional security risks.

Building an understanding of 5G security requires integrating security and the 5G network architecture. Both suffer from a major skills gap in Australia14 and globally,15 so we would expect a major shortage of professionals with a detailed understanding of both, exacerbated by the fact that 5G architectures are complex and still evolving.

One example is the debates about the separation of the ‘core’ and ‘edge’ components of a 5G network. Can they be effectively segregated so that a threat in the edge can’t affect the core? Australian authorities say they can’t be effectively segregated, whereas UK authorities appear to be suggesting they can. Without getting involved in the details of the debate here, it’s likely that the true answer is that it depends on architectural choices and complex overall system-level interactions. Concepts such as network slicing will make this even more complex. End users are given effective control and exclusive use of an end-to-end slice of the network, and attention will need to be paid to the security safeguards required to minimise the risk of them escaping their own virtual slice and getting access to other parts of the network.

Vendor trust and security

The issue of vendor trust and security has been prominent in discussions about 5G security. Australia and the US have announced decisions to bar certain vendors, the UK has been formulating a compromise approach,16 (although this seems to be still evolving) and active debates in Europe are seemingly close to reaching a conclusion.

The risks from using a particular vendor can be many and varied. Much commentary on the subject talks about hardware ‘backdoors’ being inserted by a vendor at the factory,17 but that’s probably not the biggest issue. In fact, it’s probably an unhealthy focus that can drive the debate onto specific component manufacturers, when the bigger risks probably come higher up the technology stack.

A much more worrying vendor risk occurs when carriers are critically dependent on vendors for maintaining the quality of service and so give the vendors access to the live network for support and maintenance. The nature of 5G networks as ‘software defined everything’ also means that there are security risks throughout the network that can be hidden in the complexity of software—vulnerabilities that are deliberately introduced by the vendor, or that come from genuine errors and oversights.

Different vendors have different approaches to and cultures of security. The extent to which they use approaches such as secure software development, system integrity validation and third-party supplier checks can be a useful guide, as well as their approach to the reporting and patching of security issues.

However, the control and ownership of vendors, in particular those from nation-states in which companies may be subject to extrajudicial direction, has, to date, been the main criterion used to measure vendor risk.18 This should be broadened to consider all sources of risk. As well as foreign ownership and control, vendor threats can come from insiders, such as rogue employees, even in a vendor from a trusted country, and also depend on the quality of the security culture and secure-by-design approaches used by a vendor. This leads to a spectrum of vendor risk levels that can be used to guide appropriate treatments. 

We can sensibly decide to exclude very high risk vendors, but since no vendor will be zero-risk, other mitigation measures will be needed in addition. While, given the criticality of 5G networks, we should impose a high standard of cybersecurity control and risk management across the network even for the lowest risk vendors, additional measures may be needed for intermediate levels. It’s important that carriers understand these requirements and can factor the different security costs into their procurement decisions (so potentially avoiding the incentive to simply choose the cheapest supplier who isn’t excluded due to being very high risk).

Independent testing of vendor equipment may be of some use to assess and mitigate risk (see, for example the Huawei testing facility set up and used by the UK over the past few years), but it’s not just a matter of testing the product from the factory. For any software components, each new release will require retesting, and in a 5G world the software becomes the most critical layer. The public reports from the UK testing facility19 show a series of damning findings and a lack of any assurance that identified flaws are resolved effectively. This means that, at best, this approach can be only a small part of a broader strategy.

In some cases, architectural approaches can be used to mitigate the risk. For example, end-to-end encryption could be used to mitigate the risk that particular network equipment could have unnecessary access to user details and data on the network. However, if we look at the risk of an adversary seeking to completely disable a network, the vendor risk is much greater, as ultimately the end-to-end network works only if every component in the chain is working—RAN, core access and routing.

This means it isn’t just a matter of assessing and using a vendor with an acceptable level of risk. Any farmer will tell you to avoid monoculture—growing just one crop means that one disease can wipe you out overnight. Similarly, if a network is dependent on a single vendor and a vulnerability is found, the vendor becomes untrusted for some reason or the company collapses, the equipment will be almost impossible to replace, and entire networks can become at risk overnight.

Therefore, as well as vendor trust, we need to ensure vendor diversity and redundancy in design.

Operators need to have confidence that multiple vendors’ equipment can interoperate, and ideally have multiple vendors’ systems in service for each major function. This will provide resilience and options to reduce dependence on a particular vendor if circumstances change. In a given carrier’s network, there should be at least two vendors for each key equipment type, and across the market there should be four or more viable suppliers considered acceptable to use. These are bare minimums from a competition policy and resilience perspective; from a long-term resilience point of view, there should be as many vendors as possible, subject to ensuring that each has critical mass and is commercially sustainable in the long term.

The 5G vendor landscape

The dominant vendors in the 5G market are generally considered to be Huawei and ZTE from China, Nokia from Finland and Ericsson from Sweden. This is certainly the case in the 5G network equipment sector, although they have some competition from Samsung (Korea) for radio equipment and Cisco (US) for the network core. There’s more competition in the devices market and for switches and routers. The main market players are shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2: The main 5G players

Source: Adapted with permission from James A Lewis, How will 5G shape innovation and security: a primer, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington DC, 2018, 4, online.

Figure 2 shows that Chinese companies are major players in the network equipment market, but not (yet) runaway leaders. Ericsson and Huawei have very similar shares of the RAN equipment market, and Nokia isn’t far behind, and for the evolved packet core Ericsson leads Huawei. The US is also starting to have a presence among market leaders in the core network, where much of the future growth is expected. All three network equipment categories show very strong concentration: only two or three non-Chinese vendors in each category have any significant market share.

Considering the RAN in more detail, the OpenRAN initiative mentioned above is creating opportunities for new entrants. In January this year, O2, the Telefonica-owned UK mobile operator, announced plans to engage new UK- and US-based entrants, including Mavenir, DenseAir and WaveMobile, in an OpenRAN deployment.20 In November 2018, Vodafone revealed that it had issued a request for information covering tests for OpenRAN-compatible solutions and received responses from seven vendors, only one of which (Samsung) appears in the list above; the others were a mix of US, French and Indian companies. Vodafone then ran a request for quote process for the deployment of OpenRAN across 100,000 sites on its European networks.

Down at the component level, there’s greater diversity. For specialised radio components, such as small cell antenna arrays and power amplifiers, European and US companies dominate, and for specialised field-programmable gate arrays, which are essential for high-power embedded processing, there are really only two major manufacturers: Intel and Xilinx, which are both US companies.

This confirms that, if the US continues to enforce the listing of Huawei on the ‘Entity List’, and thus prohibit exports of US-made components to it, there would be serious impacts on Huawei’s ongoing manufacturing capability, at least in the short to medium term.

If we look further up the stack to the services and applications layer, that’s where many critical applications will be implemented, which also provides an opportunity to reduce dependence on the network equipment (for example through end-to-end encryption). The use cases and applications are only now being defined and implemented, so it’s too early to identify the key players in this space, but it will be an important one in which to understand vendor trust and act accordingly.
 

Market opportunities and barriers

The 5G infrastructure spend was US$784 million in 2019 and is forecast to be US$47.8 billion in 2027.21

This estimate didn’t account for the impact of Covid-19, which is likely to cause some delays and cutbacks, but the market over the next few years is still likely to be highly lucrative as a whole, although the accessible RAN market may be less so due to the high market share of low-cost Chinese vendors.

While a significant portion of the revenue will go to the established players noted above, there are still opportunities for new entrants to gain significant revenue, given that the development and building of fully featured 5G networks is still at an early stage.

Compared to earlier generations of mobile technology, 5G offers more opportunities for new entrants to the market. This is because in 5G architectures a significant number of functions become virtualised and are implemented in software. This opens up opportunities for software solution providers unconstrained by the costs and timescales of bespoke hardware development—especially if they can write efficient, fast and reliable code to implement mission-critical use cases. This world of ‘software defined everything’ means that innovative and potentially sovereign businesses have the opportunity to add trust and value at the software layer.

The RAN equipment market presents particular challenges—it traditionally requires specialist hardware for antennas, radio signal generation and reception, and signal processing. Significant investment and time are needed to develop new hardware for the new frequencies, higher speeds and more devices that 5G will need to support. However, the 5G architecture does mean that, even for radio processing that’s traditionally done using specialised hardware at the antenna site, signals can be digitised and processed in software at remote sites.

In other network equipment classes, there will still be barriers to entry. The established players can be expected to compete strongly to maintain market dominance. They’ll also use the immaturity of standards to persuade service providers that it’s lower risk to use a single end-to-end provider. From discussions with providers for this report, this could resonate, especially given consumers’ focus on service quality. Telecoms companies nowadays prefer to buy managed services from vendors rather than build and integrate systems themselves. This means that when there are service outages they have a ‘single throat to choke’ (their vendor’s), rather than having to referee finger-pointing between vendors. A shortage of systems engineering skills has also been identified as a major barrier to enabling telecoms companies to consider developing multivendor environments, along with the challenge of needing to develop expensive interoperability testing facilities.

The third area of opportunity is in developing and running applications and services across the network to implement 5G use cases. In this case, the market for software to implement new applications is wide open, given that the applications have often not even been defined, or in some cases probably not even imagined yet.22 However, we can still expect the leading network equipment vendors to compete strongly, given their obvious adjacency and the opportunity to grow their businesses. Revenue streams from network equipment sales, in addition to any state subsidies, can be used to fund major R&D budgets and aggressive pricing. Antidumping provisions are especially difficult to manage for software, given the low cost of production, and carriers will always have financial drivers to choose the cheapest option without necessarily paying heed to broader requirements for vendor diversity and risk management.

Established vendors, wherever they’re from, can be expected to promote the perceived benefits of their end-to-end integration, critical mass and established brand recognition. They may use their control of the platform to seek to set up trusted ecosystems (think of Apple iOS devices and the App Store) in the name of security and openness, while in practice setting up barriers to entry. We can also imagine groups of platform, software and hardware vendors from one country, with implicit or explicit encouragement from their government, looking to set up collective monopolies. Carriers will see advantages in single-vendor solutions, in reducing performance risks, reducing their requirements for system integration skills etc. The challenge will be to persuade major carriers to look at the broader risk landscape, to be willing to integrate multi-vendor solutions and to put faith in emerging companies for what would be expected to be a long-term investment.
 

Recommendations for developing the trusted vendor market

We’ve noted that there are significant opportunities for vendors from Australia and allied countries to develop critical technology. However, they face significant competition from established players with economies of scale, and in some cases direct or indirect foreign government support. Appropriate policy actions will be needed to overcome the barriers in order to open up genuine opportunity for a broader range of vendors and provide the diversity that we need to improve the security and resilience of our 5G ecosystem.

Take a graduated approach to risk assessment and mitigation

There is a need for appropriate market signals to encourage carriers to choose lower risk vendors. There’s already, in Australia and some other countries, an outright ban on very high risk vendors, but, given the spectrum of risk, regulation should also ensure that the increased security costs of choosing a higher risk option sit with the carrier, rather than, for example, national cyber authorities being responsible for extra costs as they seek to protect carrier networks against vendor threats and mitigate risk.

The Australian Cyber Security Centre should develop a comprehensive framework of recommended vendor risk ratings based on various factors. The ratings should be used to define mandated risk-mitigation actions based on risks, which could include tailored levels of isolation, control and monitoring of any access that vendors are given to live networks for support and maintenance purposes, along with limitations on offshore managed service provision and offshore data storage.

Another example could be ensuring that sensitive and critical functions (such as lawful interception and audit logging) are segregated and can be separately managed using highly trusted solutions independent of the main network equipment vendors.

Regulate competition

Competition and merger policy levers should also be used to ensure fair opportunity for new entrants by limiting consolidation, preventing cross-subsidies of existing major vendors when selling new capabilities, and perhaps even mandating major vendors to subcontract a portion of the work.

This could include identifying where companies may be receiving subsidies from nation-state governments, and whether trade and international agreements provide remedies to address unfair competition impacts.

These restrictions should apply to all existing major vendors, not just those from high-risk jurisdictions. It wouldn’t be an appropriate approach to just pick one or two ‘winners’ from the existing major European and US vendors—a rich, diverse, vendor pool is needed to ensure the long-term resilience of our 5G networks.

Expand industry development policy and invest in key technologies

We’ve seen that building 5G vendor diversity can also be an economic opportunity for Australia. Therefore, we should ensure that industry policy promotes this. While we have a strong start-up culture, we need to ensure that successful companies are able to scale up rapidly to credibly compete and serve the global market.

Regulatory barriers that prevent or slow scale-up should be identified and addressed, and action is also needed to address the problem of access to capital. The Australian Government should establish an investment fund that can fund key technologies critical to our national security. It could be modelled, for example, on the National Security Strategic Investment Fund set up by the UK.23 Its remit would probably be broader than the scope of this paper, but it could certainly help to support the scale-up of 5G technologies. Another model to consider could be the recent proposal from a group of US senators for a US$1.25 billion proposal to fund new R&D and a multilateral project fund for 5G technologies.24

Encourage a more open network equipment market

Given the desired objective of vendor diversity, we need to ensure that carriers have both the right incentives and the confidence to move away from the single-vendor environment. To assist this, the government should establish, fund and manage an independent test facility for 5G networks. This should be fully modular to allow the testing of different components from different vendors (as an example of how this can be done, see, for example, the Open 5G Core project25). As well as enabling interoperability testing, this would also enable security and vulnerability research and testing at the overall 5G system level, which we’ve noted is currently a poorly understood area. Potentially, this could be a joint undertaking with other allied countries, such as Canada and New Zealand, to reduce costs, but we caution that it should be ensured that Australia is a major contributor to this and hence able to use influence to achieve our own national security objectives.

Consideration should be given to mandating that network providers use multiple vendors for key components. This may be difficult to implement, and network providers may have concerns over the burden that it imposes. However, doing so would go a long way towards overcoming the possibility of ‘monoculture’ security risk. Other countries, such as the UK, have discussed going in a similar direction, and that may allow Australia to learn lessons from their experience and devise an appropriate approach for our circumstances.

We need to ensure active engagement with 3GPP on standards setting to avoid politicisation and ensure that choices that maximise overall security and resilience, and market opportunity for new entrants, are made. This will include the identification of the key use cases for priority development, seeking to avoid choices reliant on foreign patents, and preference for the best technical choices based on open standards and implementation. Current responsibility for such engagement is diffused among different organisations, so one organisation needs to be given the mandate and funding to lead this work.

We’ve noted the challenges with standards-setting bodies, so, if engagement there doesn’t prove effective, there may be a need for local regulations to mandate open interfaces for the most critical functions, especially where they’re needed to provide the option to segregate critical functions to be carried out by sovereign vendors. As an example, for lawful interception, open internal interfaces, referred to as X1, X2 and X3, would allow the administration of warrants and the intercepted data to be partitioned securely. Ideally, we could seek to align such regulations with those of other like-minded countries, but in the absence of agreement Australia may need to act alone in our own interest.

Address RAN equipment supply

Even though the RAN forms only one part of the overall 5G network, the small number of suppliers and its criticality to the overall availability of the network indicate that equipment supply should receive some focus from policy-makers. Although it does not seem likely to lead to security or diversity benefits in the short term, if the OpenRAN initiative gains more momentum it will also provide opportunities for new entrants. Australia should work with allies and other countries that do not have domestic suppliers or interests in promoting their national champions to encourage further adoption of the OpenRAN standard to allow more vendors into this marketplace using appropriate combinations of grants and incentives to carriers to encourage them to adopt this standard.

Invest for the future

Finally, action needs to be taken to prepare for the future to avoid a repetition of this situation with other emerging technologies. Australia needs to invest in developing and commercialising technologies for artificial intelligence, 6G, quantum computing and other emerging fields. In building the right skills pipeline, we should also address current perceived skills gaps. We need systems engineers who can design and build systems bringing together components and technologies from different companies.

Conclusions

5G networks are the next generational uplift in mobile communications technology. They’ll enable not only fast speeds but more reliable, low-latency communications and massive machine-to-machine communication, enabling new applications for which security will be critical. While there are significant identified risks to the privacy and confidentiality of data on the network, and the users, there are also risks from an adversary seeking to completely take down a communications network or compromise its integrity. There are a number of potential causes, but a significant one is trust in the vendors whose equipment is used. Various countries have made differing decisions on excluding specific vendors considered to be high risk, but the discussion needs to move on, as reliance on one or two ‘not high risk’ vendors will still create major security risks. Long-term security and resilience depend on a diverse vendor ecosystem.

Fortunately, the technology and rollout plans for ‘real’ 5G are still developing, so now’s the time to take appropriate action. We recommend that urgent action be taken to identify opportunities for developing new capabilities, the barriers to market entry, and policy actions to encourage new entrants and build a diverse 5G vendor ecosystem. Table 1 summarises our findings and recommendations.

Table 1: Findings and recommendations

We should seek to work in coordination with our allies and other like-minded countries for maximum impact. However, if we wait to first build global consensus it’s likely that we’ll miss the window of opportunity. Australia took the lead in making the decision to exclude the highest risk vendors and now needs to lead in taking the next set of actions required for the long-term security and stability of 5G infrastructure, and in parallel encourage others to work with us in this endeavour.


Acknowledgements

The author thanks those government and industry stakeholders who made themselves available for discussions and openly shared their thoughts and perspectives, and ASPI colleagues who provided constructive comments on this report. The author also thanks all anonymous peer reviewers for their feedback. No specific sponsorship was received to fund production of this report. The work of ICPC would not be possible without the financial support of our partners and sponsors across governments, industry and civil society.

What is ASPI?

The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non‑partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally. ASPI’s sources of funding are identified in our Annual Report, online at www.aspi.org.au and in the acknowledgements section of individual publications. ASPI remains independent in the content of the research and in all editorial judgements.

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ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) is a leading voice in global debates on cyber, emerging and critical technologies, issues related to information and foreign interference and focuses on the impact these issues have on broader strategic policy. The centre has a growing mixture of expertise and skills with teams of researchers who concentrate on policy, technical analysis, information operations and disinformation, critical and emerging technologies, cyber capacity building, satellite analysis, surveillance and China-related issues.

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First published September 2020. ISSN 2209-9689 (online), ISSN 2209-9670 (print)

Funding: No specific sponsorship was received to fund production of this report.

  1. For more information on 3GPP membership and activities, see About 3GPP home, 3GPP, 2020, online. ↩︎
  2. Release 15, 3GPP, 26 April 2019, online. ↩︎
  3. GSA market snapshot, January 2020. ↩︎
  4. Patrik Cerwall (ed.), Ericsson mobility report, Ericsson, November 2019, online. ↩︎
  5. https://www.itnews.com.au/news/telstra‑readies‑its‑mobile‑network‑for‑standalone‑5g‑use‑547609 ↩︎
  6. Ma Si, Cheng Yu, ‘Lenovo rebuts rumor it failed to back Huawei on 5G issues’, China Daily, 18 May 2018, online. ↩︎
  7. Lindsay Gorman, ‘The US needs to get in the standards game—with like‑minded democracies’, Lawfare, 2 April 2020, online. ↩︎
  8. Martin Joseph, ‘Inside China’s controversial mission to reinvent the internet’, FT, 28 March 2020, online (paywall). ↩︎
  9. https://www.techradar.com/au/news/nokia‑to‑integrate‑open‑ran‑in‑2020 ↩︎
  10. Jonathan Nally, ‘Telstra and other firms form 5G Future Forum’, Technology Decisions, 16 January 2020, online. ↩︎
  11. CDMA = code‑division multiple access; GSM = global system for mobile communications. ↩︎
  12. Critical Infrastructure Centre, Australian Government, online. ↩︎
  13. Shoba Rao, Nicole Pierre, ‘Australian consumers hit by EFTPOS outage’, News.com.au, 11 July 2019, online. ↩︎
  14. AustCyber, Australia’s Cyber Security Sector Competitiveness Plan 2019, 2019, online. ↩︎
  15. Kelly Hill, ‘5G deployment faces a skills gap’, RCR Wireless News, 4 April 2019, online. ↩︎
  16. UK Government, ‘Coronavirus (COVID‑19): what you need to do’, Gov.UK, 28 February 2020, online. ↩︎
  17. See, for example, Peter Bright, ‘Bloomberg alleges Huawei routers and network gear are backdoored’, ArsTechnica, 5 January 2019, online. ↩︎
  18. Scott Morrison, Mitch Fifield, ‘Government provides 5G security guidance to Australian carriers’, joint media release, 23 August 2018, online. ↩︎
  19. ‘Huawei cyber security evaluation centre oversight board: annual report 2019’ UK Cabinet Office, 28 March 2019, online. ↩︎
  20. Bevin Fletcher, ‘UK’s O2 taps non‑traditional vendors for O‑RAN project’, FierceWireless, 16 January 2020, online. ↩︎
  21. ‘5G Infrastructure Market by Communication Infrastructure, Core Network, Network Architecture, Operational Frequency, End User & Geography ‑ Global Forecast to 2027’, MarketsandMarkets, Oct 2019, online. ↩︎
  22. As an example, in the late 1990s some companies made huge revenues from developing software to send short service messages around 2G networks—which was ultimately used for the explosion in SMS communication. ↩︎
  23. ‘British Business Bank launches £85m National Security Strategic Investment Fund (NSSIF) Programme to support development of advanced dual‑use technologies’, news release, British Business Bank, 31 July 2018, online. ↩︎
  24. Mark R Warner, ‘National security senators introduce bipartisan legislation to develop 5G alternatives to Huawei’, press release, 14 January 2020, online. ↩︎
  25. https://www.open5gcore.org/ ↩︎

Tag Archive for: Critical & Emerging Technology

A fitness-tracking app has released data that reveals secret military bases – ABC Radio National

Radio National’s Patricia Karvelas discusses Strava’s global heatmap with Danielle Cave, Senior Analyst at ICPC.

Listen to the full interview here.

Strava has published details about secret military bases, and an Australian was the first to know – ABC News

Danielle Cave, a senior analyst at the International Cyber Policy Centre at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, called the heatmap an “open source intelligence gold mine”. She suggested the data also raised a cyber security risk. “A hacking group, state or non-state, could very easily now target Strava knowing how valuable the data is that they are holding,” she said. “If it does turn out that people can strip out the personal details of some of these Strava users, then I think it’s getting into a very dangerous place.”

Read the full story here.

China hits back over criticism of its aid to Pacific islands

China has responded angrily to Australia’s criticism of its loans and aid to Pacific island nations.

The Minister for International Development and the Pacific, Concetta Fierravanti-Wells, has raised concerns Chinese funds are being used to build unnecessary infrastructure and the developing nations will struggle to repay the resulting debts to China.

A Chinese Government spokesman says the Senator’s remarks are irresponsible and show little knowledge of the facts.

Fergus Hanson from the Australian Strategic Policy Institute says China regards its aid program as a state secret.

Bitcoin Can’t Save World’s Autocrats From the Sanctions Squeeze

Bloomberg’s David Tweed discusses Bitcoin with Tom Uren, visiting fellow with ICPC

Think about how many U.S. dollars are in circulation and how much each bitcoin would have to be worth to match that value — it would be a ludicrously big number.

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