Tag Archive for: Australian Army

Sticking to our guns: the story of the Austeyr rifle

In ‘Sticking to our guns: A troubled past produces a superb weapon’, the latest volume in ASPI’s series of case studies in defence projects, published today, Chris Masters delivers a cracking read about the ‘funny plastic weapon’ that replaced the Vietnam-era L1A1 assault rifle in the 1980s, the successors to which remain the Australian Defence Force’s primary personal weapon. The following is an excerpt from the book.

Introduction: self-sufficiency

A man fires a rifle for many years, and he goes to war, and afterwards he turns his rifle in at the armory and he believes he’s finished with the rifle. But no matter what else he might do with his hands—love a woman, build a house, change his son’s diaper—his hands remember the rifle and the power it proffered.

—Anthony Swofford, writer and former US Marine

Gun debate can clamour like an angry mob, with noise and passion surging at the forward edge while reason and logic shrink to the rear. This may in part explain the polarity of opinion on Australia’s service rifle, the Austeyr.

According to one of the engineers closely associated with its development, ‘Australia should be proud of the Austeyr. It’s the first time we’ve done a ground up design of a frontline infantry rifle that’s now right up there with the world’s best.’

With equal conviction, a professional instructor at the range at Townsville’s Lavarack Barracks counters: ‘It’s an older weapons system that hasn’t adapted to current needs. It’s just kind of an older system that has been polished and had attachments added to try and fix those issues.’

This running battle about the most important piece of kit in Australia’s defence inventory that has dragged on for the past 30 years isn’t only about the weapon, but the industry it springs from. Central to the argument about the capability of the weapon is its sustainability.

Globalisation doesn’t make the island continent less geographically remote. Nor are the seas and shores less vulnerable. Self-sufficiency in weapons production and maintenance is a goal that’s sensible in peacetime and indispensable in a crisis.

Another critical goal is the alignment of the three main industry groups invested in the project: the designers, builders and users within the Australian defence estate. Producing a state-of-the-art weapon that will suit a range of uses, and for the space of a generation remain relatively futureproof, is the tallest of orders. When aspirations and objectives fall short, as will likely be the case, the key stakeholders tend to turn on one another. So, behind the battle to build a better weapon is another struggle: to harmonise team effort.

Another goal that should be unmasked at the outset is what’s sometimes described as ‘unobtainium’. No matter the expertise and budgetary power applied, there’s no such thing as a perfect weapon. Compromises relating to national capability, general purpose, fleet management and costing will inevitably cast a shadow of disappointment.

And the frowns will be mostly found on the faces of the soldiers—the ones who count the most. With the very fabric of their life invested in the performance of their personal weapon, the soldier understandably has prime leverage.

And, while I’m coming close to choking on my own words, it has to be declared that they don’t always know what they’re talking about. As seen too often, inexperience, personal preference, prejudice, fashion and vanity can come into play.

Meanwhile, the project managers, design engineers and manufacturers are obliged to mediate myriad demands and complaints while maintaining a cold, hard eye on the evidence.

The Austeyr story captures all these highs and lows. While it isn’t always appreciated, the people who have built it care about the product of their labour. Like the men and women in uniform, they contribute to the defence of Australia.

In subsequent chapters, I cover the way the weapon evolved and the arguments about its strengths and weaknesses—I hope without straying too far into a subsuming swamp of detail.

Criticism of the Austeyr will sometimes, I’m sure, be found to be valid and other times to be unfair. As in life, we need to sift nuggets of reality from the mullock of perception.

Like a sniper in a hide contemplating the target, we must measure our breath, advance situational awareness and focus.

An obvious outcome of all that heat generated by all that argument over an individual weapon is an issue of confidence. The Austeyr story isn’t only about barrels and bolts and bullets. It’s also about mindset, expectation management, training and communication.

Citizens of the future will always look back on the past as a period of lost opportunity. While little can be done to prepare for the unknown unknowns, we can be vigilant about lessons learned from modern and deeper history.

As eyes and minds and bottom lines turn to the ADF’s new Small Arms Replacement Program, the story of the last major acquisition and its attendant evolution is both interesting and important, cautionary and enlightening.

Winning battles and losing wars: the next force structure review

Followers of The Strategist may have seen the recent dialogue on the Defence Department’s Project LAND 400 between Marcus Hellyer and Jim Molan.

Few subjects generate more emotion inside Defence than force structures, especially when it comes to capabilities perceived as ‘core’. That may be because we humans are all creatures of our own experience and want to ensure we can do better in the future at the sorts of challenges we have faced in the past. No one wants their link in the chain to be the weak one.

Consciously or otherwise, we are less concerned about what effect overinvestment in our own area might have on other links in the chain, notwithstanding the fact that, if the chain breaks, all the intact links do no good whatsoever. That is the argument sometimes employed for a ‘balanced force’, but balanced to do what? Any attempt to be strong everywhere overstretches resources and ends up being weak everywhere. The art is in deciding where to focus and where to accept risk.

Before Defence implemented the first principles review, key force structure review debates usually occurred mainly at the tactical level. The tactical fight would be set at some future point at which the planned force structure was known in a scenario loosely derived from strategic policy. Then the operational concept would be developed, and that’s where the linear thinking set in.

Because the concept had to employ the planned force structure, that’s exactly what it would be optimised for. Any future capability ‘needs’ identified would, therefore, assume that concept of operations. The result would be a force designed to win that particular campaign plan at the tactical level, without much questioning of strategic alternatives.

So what’s wrong with that? Well, apart from the fact that we have been winning battles and losing wars since Vietnam, it has resulted in an incoherent joint force structure. The RAAF’s ability to provide fast jet cover to the RAN at the distances at which the navy needs to operate is questionable. The navy’s ability to project and support land forces any significant distance from mainland Australia in a contested environment is questionable, even if suitable commercial shipping could be obtained, which is also questionable.

As for forward basing of airpower beyond the Australian mainland in a contested environment, the challenges of fuel supply are probably insurmountable and base security is questionable. Mathematically speaking, questionable cubed times probably insurmountable isn’t good. The ADF’s planned future force structure solves none of these problems and actually exacerbates most. By concentrating on getting better at what they already do well, the army, navy and air force risk missing the point, like whales trying to solve their problems by getting bigger or cheetahs by getting faster.

The next force structure review will be the first since implementation of the first principles review. The first principles review demanded strategy-led force design, but what does that mean? Academics differ on the definitions of levels of strategy, but what’s more important for force design is that the levels join up to each other and to operational concepts. In the past it has been all too easy for the single services to design a force around their own tactical considerations without rigorous examination of how relevant they are to strategy or allowing the red team (enemy) to respond imaginatively at the strategic level.

Let me illustrate with just one of many historical examples. The Crimean War was not decided in Crimea. The British threat to St Petersburg, Rostov and Russian Alaska forced the Russians to cede. Our past force structure review processes would not permit that possibility either by us or against us.

Jim Molan argues that LAND 400 is an important capability for winning a land fight, but no one has ever won an archipelagic conflict on a single landmass. Archipelagic warfare depends upon manoeuvre of land forces by sea, and the future structure as currently envisaged, including LAND 400 and LAND 121, is ill-suited to that.

The strategic question for the next force structure review is, should we care more about whether we can win on a single landmass or whether we can win across an archipelago? Or to recast the question, where can we least afford to lose?

Policy, Guns and Money: Voices from Land Forces 2018

At last week’s Land Forces 2018 expo in Adelaide, Strategist defence editor Brendan Nicholson interviewed some of the speakers, including Katja Theodorakis from the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung and the ANU, Kate Louis of the Australian Industry Group, and Dr Albert Palazzo. In this special podcast you’ll also hear analysis on the event from ASPI’s Marcus Hellyer.

Building strategic security: defence diplomacy and the role of army

[D]iplomacy and defense are not substitutes for one another. Either alone would fail.

—John F. Kennedy, 16 November 1961

[A] more strategic and integrated approach to International Engagement and security cooperation must be a core component of Army’s mission into the future.

Major General Rick Burr, 25 June 2015

Every new century has brought security challenges with it, and the 21st is no exception. However, what distinguishes the 21st century from the 20th is the multilevel, complex and dynamic nature of security challenges that nation-states face today. Changes in those challenges have already stretched the options available to states to deal with them, and the effectiveness of traditional tools, such as defence forces, has been increasingly questioned. In Australia, the ADF’s international engagement in a range of measures has been a notable response.

The research literature shows that one area where the traditional role of defence institutions has changed since the end of the Cold War is defence diplomacy, which offers a way to meet security challenges while maintaining a low risk profile. As Australia faces increasing competition for influence in its neighbourhood, particularly in the South Pacific, defence diplomacy is more relevant than ever before. It was identified as a key enabler to realise the strategic defence interests and meet the objectives outlined in the 2016 defence white paper and elaborated in the 2017 foreign policy white paper.

The exercise of soft power through diplomacy by subnational agencies with hard power, such as the army, can pay political and security dividends that build, sustain and expand strategic influence in the region. It can provide opportunities, security and strength—key benefits that consolidate national power. However, it can work effectively only when it’s supported and strengthened by non-military instruments (so-called Track 2 diplomacy).

The role of defence diplomacy depends on the point in the conflict spectrum at which it’s used: pre-conflict, during conflict or post-conflict. The primary goal of diplomacy (military or otherwise) is to pursue the national interest without using physical force. A 2016 study identified five basic functions of defence diplomacy:

  • collecting and analysing information related to armed forces and the security situation
  • promoting cooperation, communication and mutual relations between armed forces
  • organising and maintaining official defence relations
  • supporting the export of arms and equipment
  • representing the nation and armed forces at official ceremonies and similar events.

To that list, we could add creating a shared strategic understanding and approach; building security partnerships; creating and maintaining strategic influence; and diffusing tension and avoiding conflict. Each of the three military services can contribute to achieving those objectives.

The Australian Army’s role is particularly significant, as it’s the service with the greatest focus on people. It routinely engages in operations, sometimes in collaboration with civilian actors, that shape the military’s role in the region, especially in the pre-conflict stage. Although the army’s primary role is to fight and win wars, it hasn’t shied away from the use of soft power. Unlike the air force and navy, whose roles are limited to domains where not much routine daily human activity happens, the army commands the land domain, where people live and act.

The pre-eminence of the army over the other services, especially in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific, strengthens the case for it to take a leadership role in that arena. The practice of defence diplomacy, on behalf of the Defence organisation in particular and the Australian government more broadly, can be a suitable role for the army in the 21st century. There’s no strong reason to restrict its role to one stage in the conflict spectrum. When backed by appropriate resources, the army can benefit not only defence but also the political and economic streams of diplomacy led and managed by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

The emerging power play in the Pacific, shaped by US–China competition for hegemony, demands that Australia remain closely engaged with regional countries in order to achieve its own strategic interests and objectives. The Australian government has responded positively to the need for deeper regional engagement through its expanded aid budget for 2018–19. The increased funding provides a window of opportunity for Defence to strengthen its relationships with key allies in the neighbourhood and generate strategic gains. But more needs to be done, and the army is well positioned to show the leadership needed to use soft power to achieve national goals.

However, defence diplomacy can be effective only when it’s synchronised with other levers of government power, including trade, aid, political relations, culture and people-to-people contacts. In other words, a whole-of-government position can strengthen the message delivered through defence diplomacy.

To manage the security challenges of today and prepare for tomorrow, no state can rely exclusively on one level of external engagement, irrespective of its capability in that stream. States also need to clearly define the boundaries of non-military instruments of external policy so that conflicts between the policies and actions of two or more instruments can be avoided. The army’s defence diplomacy must align with whole-of-government efforts and nest within a clearly focused national security strategy.

The geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific is changing rapidly. Australia is yet to come up with a holistic and proportionate response. As a middle power, Australia doesn’t have the luxury of a superpower’s wealth or strength, so it needs a strategy that can give maximum returns on limited resources. Defence diplomacy can yield higher returns on investment, especially in the short term, but only if it’s employed as part of a coordinated whole-of-government plan. After all, investing in peace can be less costly than fighting a war, let alone winning one. The army stands ready to lead.

The Battle of Beersheba, 100 years on

In Australia’s memory of the Great War, the Sinai–Palestine Campaign gets comparatively little thought after Gallipoli and the Western Front. The exception is the Battle of Beersheba, fought on 31 October 1917, which has lodged in the collective memory in a way that no other Australian action in Palestine has. The battle’s comparative fame probably owes much to the fact that it has been twice dramatised in feature films, first in the 1940s in Forty Thousand Horsemen and then again in the 1980s in the The Lighthorsemen. Both films use the dramatic charge by light horse as their centrepiece, and that part of the battle has seemingly become its defining moment. Of course, the battle involved more than just the charge, and as it joins the Great War centenary cavalcade it seems a good moment to give it a more thoughtful appreciation.

At the greatest remove it is useful to remember that this battle was just one episode in an epochal worldwide war that dramatically reshaped the international order. That contest was abundantly apparent in the Middle East, where almost all the great powers were pursuing their ambitions. Indeed, what had started as a defence of the Suez Canal and the ‘Egypt base’ had, by 1917, evolved into a British and French attempt to expand their empires and influence at the expense of their Ottoman opponents, who were in turn trying to expand theirs in the Caucasus.

Bearing this in mind, Britain’s Egyptian Expeditionary Force (EEF) had, after defeating an Ottoman advance at Romani in August 1916, advanced across the northern Sinai before making two failed attempts to capture Gaza in March and April 1917. With the campaign stalled in southern Palestine, the War Office recalled the EEF’s lacklustre commander and sent out the more dynamic General Sir Edmund Allenby. With him came extra resources, and Allenby recrafted the EEF from a largely ad hoc colonial column into a modern army. His revitalised force was expected to restart the advance and urged to secure Jerusalem.

Hence Allenby opted to attack in southern Palestine by striking at his enemy’s southernmost flank at Beersheba. The water sources there would then facilitate a drive northward, which Allenby hoped would get behind Gaza and encircle the Ottoman garrison. Rather than an end in itself, seizing Beersheba was the first part of a great offensive to drive the enemy out of southern Palestine.

To that end, in the early morning of 31 October the EEF’s XX Corps commenced an artillery barrage and then infantry attack on the defences southwest of the town. Virtually ignored in Australia, this assault was entirely successful, but contested enough that a Victoria Cross was won and the attacking infantry suffered almost 1,200 casualties. In the meantime, the mounted troops of the Desert Mounted Corps, commanded by Australia’s Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Chauvel, had made a long approach march during the night to get into position southeast of the town. Here the first priority was to cut the Beersheba–Hebron road at Tel el Sakati, and seize a large hill known as Tel el Saba. This steep-sided hill had a well-supported Ottoman garrison in terraced trenches that dominated the approach to the town. Taking it was vital.

The 2nd Light Horse Brigade cut the road but had to endure heavy enemy fire for most of the rest of the day. The New Zealand Mounted Rifles Brigade was sent against Tel el Saba, but using mounted troops like infantry against prepared positions was tricky (despite what is often written and said, the light horse were not mounted infantry, but fulfilled a cavalry role). Lacking the man- or firepower to pound the entrenched enemy, they had to work their way forward until they could launch a final assault. That took hours and as the day marched on Chauvel sent Australian light horse to assist. The hill fell to the New Zealanders at around 3 pm. The route to town was now open but it had to be taken that day and Chauvel agreed to a suggested mounted attack. The 4th Light Horse Brigade was closest and its British divisional commander, Major-General Henry Hodgson, had issued orders several days earlier encouraging mounted attacks in the right circumstances. Two regiments lined up to the southeast of town and supported by artillery galloped in the fading light over the remaining Ottoman defences to capture the town.

It was remarkable feat of arms, but by no means the last cavalry charge, as is often claimed. There were numerous mounted attacks by Australian, British and Indian troops in the remainder of this campaign alone. Nor was Beersheba the ‘turning point’ of the campaign. The Ottomans had been on the back foot since Romani a year earlier and there was still another year’s worth of hard campaigning ahead.

Domestic violence—‘silence is the accomplice’, says Australia’s Chief of Army

Lieutenant General Angus Campbell has delivered a strong and very public warning to ADF members not to engage in domestic violence. In an address at the National Press Club in Canberra, the army chief made it clear that an ADF member who was named as the respondent on a protection order could expect to face immediate action by the military authorities.

‘He or she must notify their commanding officer in writing as soon as possible, but no later than 24 hours after becoming aware that they are subject to a protection order’, he said. ‘As an initial step, their commanding officer is then expected to immediately restrict the member’s access to weapons.’

The army, navy and air force exist for the lawful, disciplined use of violence to defend Australia and its national interests, Campbell said. ‘The ill-disciplined and illegal use of violence on operations is a war crime. At home it’s a crime.’

The army chief said that today’s Australian soldiers are the most lethal this nation had ever fielded. They have each been given the skills, knowledge, weapons and communication systems to kill Australia’s enemies more assuredly than any preceding generation. ‘This is the grim reality of what’s known as the science of war’, he said.

‘You won’t be a soldier in whose hands I place such lethality, if you don’t live by Army’s values—courage, initiative, respect and teamwork. Always. When you’re scared, exhausted, confused and your mates are dead, our weapons won’t discriminate the innocent from the enemy combatant. You will.’

Success in battle requires great self-discipline and a willingness to sacrifice for others, Campbell said.

‘The journey of self-discipline starts at home, not in the heat of battle’, he said. ‘When one of my people engages in the illegal and ill-disciplined use of violence at home, in training or on exercise, my confidence in them to execute their duties lawfully and discriminately in circumstances of immense stress on the battlefield is deeply undermined.’

‘They are not living by Army’s values’, he said. ‘I see cowardice not courage, comfortable habit not the initiative to break the cycle, I don’t trust them to respect the innocent, the weak and the wounded, nor to serve the team rather than themselves.’

Perpetrators of family and domestic violence are fundamentally at odds with the meaning and profession of Australian soldiering, he said. ‘This is why family and domestic violence is a war fighting capability and workplace issue. And why addressing it is a necessary part of our continuing work. The fight against family and domestic violence is about living the Army’s values. And of course it’s also the right thing to do, for any citizen of Australia.’

Campbell said that last week he was surprised to read incorrect media reports saying that the army had stopped recruiting men. ‘We haven’t.’ He said that on Friday he reviewed the graduation of the army’s newest infantry soldiers at the School of Infantry, Singleton. Nineteen were men and two were women.

‘To put things into perspective, in the 2016–17 financial year, 670 men and 23 women entered our 1st Recruit Training Battalion, at Kapooka, seeking to qualify for service in the infantry. Six hundred and seventy men and 23 women does not a revolution make.’

Campbell said that he does want to see more women and more Indigenous Australians serving in the army, and more culturally and linguistically diverse Australians. ‘I want the best and most talented Australians to serve their nation in their Army. And to get the best, I need to draw from the widest breadth of our nation.’

Campbell played a video titled Silence Is the Accomplice, produced by the army earlier this year, which gives accounts by four soldiers of their experience of domestic violence. ‘Our aim in producing the video was to raise awareness of the impacts of family and domestic violence on individuals, their families and the Army as an organisation’, he said. The video has been viewed more than 49,000 times on Facebook.

In 2016, Campbell ordered everyone in the army to watch the Four Corners documentary ‘Hitting home’ (about domestic violence) and to take part in a moderated discussion about it. ‘It showed the effect that family and domestic violence, and its consequences, have on the wider community in which the Army is a significant national institution’, he said.

The army is a very big ‘human organisation’, Campbell said. ‘By definition, then, we are imperfect and flawed. Working to stop family and domestic violence not only makes us a better army, it makes us better Australians.’

Talking to the chiefs: Angus Campbell (part 1)

Image courtesy of the Department of Defence.

There’s a simple and vital, but easily overlooked, requirement for the advanced equipment being developed for soldiers on the modern battlefield, says Chief of Army, Lieutenant General Angus Campbell.

No matter how marvellous is a piece of new gear, front line soldiers must be able to use it with ‘heads up, eyes on target, hands on weapons’.

A moment’s distraction to look down at a screen can mean opportunities lost, or worse, Campbell tells The Strategist. ‘The point is that as we equip our soldiers we must enable them to do their job through technology, not disable them from doing their job,’ says the first Special Forces officer to command the Army. That must be the driver of the basic technological augmentation of the soldier.

‘When a soldier has to look down, and away from their target, there’s immediately the possibility that soldier is no longer aware of the situation that is changing,’ Campbell says.

Some of a soldier’s new equipment, such as ballistic armour and helmets, is intended to increase his or her survivability. Radios and weapons are all about their capacity to influence the environment in which they’re operating.

‘It’s a reminder that technology should enable, and should never be designed to detract from the basic job of being aware and active on the battlefield.’

Campbell says a prime example of such new technology is the latest version of the Steyr rifle and new sighting systems, with which soldiers very consistently hit targets at 600 metres. ‘That’s at least double what you might normally expect. It’s a better rifle and a better sighting system and an average shot in the Army can consistently put 20 rounds into the centre of a half-metre target at 600 metres.’ This development has just doubled the effective range of influence on the battlefield of an infantry soldier.

Equipment such as tiny drones make soldiers much more aware of the wider environment around them without exposing them to danger, and allows them to develop better plans and to more quickly seize the initiative. ‘They’re incredibly valuable,’ says Campbell. ‘From the smallest unmanned aerial systems to larger vehicles used tactically, we now have our people routinely aware of what’s going on, both to the distance that they can see and then well beyond line of sight.

‘That awareness is in the control of infantry companies or battalions and it’s augmented by the wider awareness that a battalion group or a task force might be feeding into the system. You get complementary layers of awareness starting to emerge.’

Of course, says Campbell, the ADF is not the only force using such technology. ‘It’s quite routinely used by organisations in the Middle-East. Irregular terrorist or insurgent groups, as much as large conventional military forces, are now using a wide range of unmanned aerial systems. War is very actively a competitive environment and if you’re not paying attention to what other people are doing you’re likely to be tactically surprised.’

Armoured technology is another example. ‘Not only are you seeing more effective weapon systems—cannons that are more effective—but you also see different armours, some with active explosive device systems that can knock down incoming rocket propelled grenades. While a vehicle might still be defeated by a tank’s main armament, with the right active protective systems it can be very confident in a battlespace which has historically been dominated by small arms, RPGs and some forms of indirect fire.’

Advanced modern protective systems rely much less on the sheer thickness and weight of solid armour, says Campbell. The more effective those systems become, the more options you have for reducing the weight of your vehicle. At the same time, different forms of lightweight armour are being experimented with. That’s all about how to be protected but far more mobile, and hence more likely to survive on the battlefield.

The ADF’s integrated investment program is designed to progressively upgrade or replace obselete systems.

‘That’s a serious and expensive effort to create an integrated ADF and it needs to be very carefully managed over years to maintain the effectiveness of the total force.’

Campbell says the Army is pursuing three priority projects: ‘One is about networking our equipment and its connectivity to the broader ADF and, when appropriate, coalition networks. That is to enhance the digital awareness of the entire force and the capacity for elements of that force to sense and to transmit and for others to shoot as might be required. Basically to generate a whole greater than the sum of its parts.’

‘That’s nothing new, but we are technologically on the cusp of actually realising it as a total force and we need to ensure that, as we do it, we’re alert to both the security challenge of maintaining the integrity of that network and the signature challenge of the emissions that kind of network can generate that can be detectable. Networking the force makes it more aware and capable.’

A second goal is to provide armoured protection to allow troops to manoeuvre safely on a battlefield. Campbell says the Army lives in a world in which there’s a great deal of military equipment modernisation and it needs to be competitive. ‘At the moment we’re not competitive in ground armoured vehicle capability. ‘It’s well and truly time to phase out of service the M113 armoured personnel carrier and the ASLAV reconnaissance vehicle,’ says Campbell.

Two competing tenders for combat reconnaissance vehicle are being trialled. ‘Those vehicles and infantry fighting vehicles, in combination with tanks and armed reconnaissance helicopters, provide the Army’s punch.’

The third focus is on the ‘combat ensemble’, which not just enhances soldiers’ individual survivability but makes them a more effective and more aware influence on the battlefield.

That’s where, says Campbell, the phrase ‘heads up, eyes on target, hands on weapons’ tries to focus the way in which the Army wants technology to help its soldiers.

A cyber revolution on Russell Hill

The Australian Defence Force is on the cusp of a revolution as it prepares to reorganise for cyber-enabled warfare. The military cyber shake-up coming many years late brings big problems and some windfall gains.

In 2016, the government set out, in broad terms, its intent and its understanding of what was needed.  The Defence White Paper provided for an infusion of cyber talent into the Defence organization (1700 new positions over a number of years), supported by an unspecified slice of $400 million in new money. A month later, Malcolm Turnbull acknowledged that Australia had the capability for offensive cyber military operations. By November, the new Minister for Cyber Security, Dan Tehan, completed the ideas roll-out by warning Australians for the first time that the country must prepare for a ’cyber storm’.

The ADF is developing new command arrangements and new doctrines for cyber-enabled warfare, and key announcements are expected by mid-year. It’s not too soon. Australia lags behind many other nations in this area at a time when the intensifying frequency of cyber attacks sits on a blurred boundary between peacetime sabotage and political subversion on one hand and acts of war on the other. Senator John McCain and other members of Congress have described Russian political hacking in the United States as an ‘act of war’ and authoritative press reports say the US has used cyber attacks to sabotage North Korean ballistic missile tests. The claims follow public US admissions that its military capabilities include cyber sabotage of ballistic missiles in pre-launch and post-launch phases.

The impending changes to ADF structure and planning are two decades overdue. The military potential of cyber-enabled war was recognised by the US in organisational and doctrinal reforms in the mid-1990s. These were briefed to Australian defence chiefs by Admiral Bill Owens, then Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, around the time he co-authored with Harvard’s Joe Nye a seminal journal article on military strategies of information dominance and their impact on strategic policy.

As one of my students wrote recently, ’Australia is yet to effectively adapt to the impact cyberspace is having on modern warfare in the information age, exposing a policy and doctrinal gap that fails to recognise the fundamental role of information dominance’. He described this attitude aptly as ‘societal avoidance’ of the phenomenon.

While the delay carries with it inevitable penalties in military preparedness, Australia has been spared the most serious negative impacts since we have not been involved in a major war with a high tech enemy in the meantime. Notably in our war with the Islamic State terror group, the Prime Minister went public with his view in January 2016 that the US-led coalition was losing the battle in cyberspace. This can have only one meaning: the coalition security forces (including the ADF) did not exploit as fully as they should have the opportunities for digital war against the political operations of the enemy in the theatre of operations and beyond.

So what lies ahead as the ADF takes up the cyber military revolution? It will definitely benefit from a late start. The world is at the dawn of the cyber age and highly consequential military technologies are still continuing to emerge rapidly. Even Russia and China have been late to the cyber military revolution, though they got there earlier than Australia.

The reform task will be monumental. The organizational changes expected to be announced soon will be the easy part. The challenge will be how we raise, train and sustain our new cyber forces.

The Defence Organisation admits that it has been perennially challenged to roll out modern information technologies on a large scale. If the ADF makes revolutionary changes across the full spectrum of ’raise, train and sustain’ for cyber-enabled war, the Defence Department will need to make corresponding changes not only to its management of IT, but also its political strategy for prosecuting such wars. The department may need its own Digital Transformation Office.

Malcolm Turnbull is the first Australian prime minister in office to provide strong public leadership on the revolutionary potential of the knowledge economy, including its military applications. The character of this transformation brings social costs along with opportunities. In delivering the wholesale change necessary for the ADF to wage cyber enabled war, Turnbull must be prepared to outflank inevitable opposition to the upending of traditional arrangements and priorities. This’ll be as true for obstacles raised within the ADF and the Defence organisation as for those raised in the government.

As the cyber military changes gather pace, they’ll require more money and more skilled personnel. To meet these costs, it’s likely that Australia will have to revise current spending plans for future major weapons platforms. The battle for cyber capability in the ADF is just beginning. And it will need a politically skilled political and military leadership to see it through.

From the bookshelf: the AIF in Battle

Generations of Australians have been told that the Australian Light Horse Regiments, which distinguished themselves from the Sinai to Syria during the Great War, were not Cavalry. They were Mounted Infantry.

Jean Bou, an historian who teaches at the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at ANU, addresses this matter of Australian military history and martial culture early in this fine book of which he’s the editor: The AIF in Battle: How the Australian Imperial Force Fought 1914-1918. His conclusion will surprise some. Bou explains:

‘Writing just a few years after the end of the First World War, Henry Gullett, the official historian of Australia’s involvement in the Palestine Campaign wrote of the Light Horse that they “were mounted riflemen, or in other words, mounted infantry, and their horses were intended merely to give them the greatest range of activity as a mobile body.” This brief passage … has proven remarkably durable.’

The major difference between mounted infantry and cavalry of the day was equipping the troops with sword or lance for deployment as shock troops at the charge. At Beersheba, the Light Horse did charge, of course, but the bayonet was the offensive weapon.

Pursuing Ottoman forces into Palestine, the commander of the Australian Mounted Division, Britisher Major-General Henry Hodgson, advocated issuing swords to his troops. Appreciating the success of Indian cavalry with the lance in early 1918, the Desert Mounted Corps commander, Lieutenant-General Harry Chauvel, agreed. Several brigades of the Light Horse then became cavalry, sweeping the enemy back into Syria and contributing substantially to Allenby’s victories.

This is a deceptively impressive book: seemingly far too brief for its aspirations in covering the AIF in European and Middle Eastern theatres, on land and in the air. But Bou’s ambitious editing has crafted a comprehensive guide to the First AIF in the cauldrons of battle, as it struggled to transform from a militia into a force capable of waging war on an industrial scale. And while The AIF in Battle is written primarily for an academic constituency, it repays reading by a far wider audience of those interested in the evolution of Australian arms from 1914-18.

Let’s be clear: from Gallipoli through Pozieres to Mont St Quentin, the soldiers of the First AIF set a standard which is still there to challenge our fighting men and women today. That the First AIF distinguished itself in battle’s not in doubt. The performance of the Australian Corps in 1918 on the Western Front, alone, is testament to the crack nature of our troops.

But Bou and his collaborators range across the vast landscape of the Great War, examining in detail the differing contributions of Australian warriors—from artillery to the air; trench raiding or mining operations; unit structures to the emerging Australian commanders—in a comprehensive assessment of the growth of the Australian military as well: its strengths and weakness and its ultimate battlefront success.

Some stories are already threads in the fabric of our military history. Others such as Aaron Pegram’s account of trench raiding to instil aggression and maintain tactical agility throw new light on Australian small unit discipline in the frustrating and dangerous static warfare of the Western Front.

Similarly,  the origins of close air support are discerned in Michael Molkentin’s chapter, ‘Over the Western Front: Air Power and the AIF’, as the emergence of the Australian Flying Corps, under the command of the Royal Flying Corps, made its presence felt in photographic reconnaissance; close support for Allied armies and as an instrument of strategic destruction. Like Britain’s other dominions, Australia supplied air crew in significant numbers, as we were to do again in 1939-45.  A high price was paid for empire loyalty and commitment.

Molkentin notes: ‘The dominions made a notable contribution to the empire’s effort in the air, with at least one in five of those killed in Britain’s flying services hailing from British settler societies.’

David Horner’s chapter on the Australian commanders is among the best. The pre-war reliance on a defence based primarily on militia units was soon demonstrated to be completely inadequate in modern warfare, something the Americans had learned in the war of 1812. Hard lessons were learned from Gallipoli to Fromelles to Bullecourt. The carnage earned widespread dissatisfaction with a British High Command apparently indifferent to casualty lists.

Pressure from William Morris Hughes’ government saw more Australian commanders promoted and  names such as John Monash, Talbot Hobbs, Charles Rosenthal, and John Gellibrand were at last acknowledged in reports as they assumed higher command posts.

Horner’s final assessment is instructive: ‘The existence of a multitude of competent Australian commanders by 1918 was an outcome that could only have been dreamed about when the AIF had been formed four years earlier. With this reservoir of expertise the 2nd AIF in the Second World War was led by experienced Australian commanders from the first day. Few of them had to learn their trade on the job.’

Unquestionably true and extraordinarily valuable in the defence of Australia a generation later, this truth underlines the cultural significance of the First AIF in the creation of an Australian defence doctrine that endures to the present. Bou and his colleagues are to be commended for an incisive analysis of the First AIF and its finest hours on the battlefield.

DEFx + NCC: developing a culture of innovation and learning in the Army

Late last year I attended two events in the Canberra area that offered encouraging signs of a developing culture of innovation and learning in the Australian Army. The most prominent in this regard was the inaugural two-day Defence Entrepreneurs Forum. DEF Aus is a subsidiary group of the US Defense Entrepreneurs Forum, and is the first group of its kind in the southern hemisphere.

DEFx, as the gathering is called, clearly draws some inspiration from the hugely popular TED talks, and kicked off with a case study on innovation in war presented by Professor Dan Marston. That was followed by a VTC session with August Cole, co-author of the novel Ghost Fleet—a fictional account of a future war between the US and a Sino-Russian alliance that has caused something of a buzz in the Pentagon and beyond. Also in the line-up was a panel discussion on ‘The Future Fight’, and two ‘Inspiration Sessions’ bringing together a distinguished group of presenters to address topics in their fields of expertise.

For all of TED’s influence, the true progenitor of DEFx is the reality TV show Shark Tank. The DEF Aus raison d’être is, at its core, about encouraging innovation in the ADF, and DEFx does this most centrally by providing junior leaders with a platform from which to ‘pitch’ ideas to senior decision-makers, including the Army’s Professional Military Education Czar, Brigadier Mick Ryan, and the Deputy Chief of Army, Major General Rick Burr. The ‘pitchers’ were mostly Army Lieutenants and Captains, with a smattering of Majors. Notable exceptions were Sergeant Harry Moffat, the only NCO to pitch an idea, and FLTLT Emily Chapman (RAAF), who made the only non-Army pitch. While a number of the pitches focused on harnessing new technologies—from less lethal shotguns to hoverboards and hypersonic flight—to improve Army’s capabilities, others sought to address issues of training, education, work culture and human performance. The quality of the ideas and the presentations was high across the board, with some—such as Harry Moffat’s call for a ‘Digger Bill’ akin to the US GI Bill—striking particular chords.

While DEFx was creating a tweet storm in Canberra’s South, over in the North at the Majura Training Area the National Combatant Centre was quietly bringing its five-week pilot to a close. The concept of the NCC was first hatched eight years ago in discussions at SASR’s Battle Wing, which is responsible for providing small arms training to the Regiment’s members. In a nutshell, the NCC is to be a hub through which the concepts and techniques of small arms training employed in Australia’s special operations units, developed through long experience and study, can be efficiently rolled out across the ADF using a ‘train the trainer’ approach.

Through the five weeks of the NCC pilot guests from various branches of the ADF, as well as law enforcement and other government agencies, were invited to observe some of the training and have the core philosophies of the NCC explained. I was fortunate to be one of the few non-government civilians invited along, and it was impressive to see a group of Army soldiers transformed from uncertain trainees to confident trainers. Some of the training was quite spectacular to watch, including a mock ambush—part of the ‘reality based training’ concept that’s at the core of the NCC—that included high-end and highly realistic Hollywood style pyrotechnics. Notably the true innovation on show was not the ‘what’ of combat shooting, but rather the ‘how’ and ‘why’ of training in general. What the newly-minted trainers took away with them was, fundamentally, a far better understanding of how human cognition works, and what it takes to enable another human being to learn a new skill or concept. Drawing on key lessons gleaned from psychology and cognitive science research, the experienced trainers who led the pilot (most of whom were members of the SASR Battle Wing when the NCC concept was first developed) took every error of technique as a teaching opportunity, employing Socratic questioning as they guided their trainees towards competence. I never once heard a raised voice or angry tone. It was educated and informed professionalism at its best, and it was obvious that all involved both enjoyed the training and learned an enormous amount.

I found these two examples of innovation and learning in the Army to be enormously heartening. But Army mustn’t rest on its laurels. As Brigadier Ryan rightly notes in his reflections on DEFx 2016, maintaining the momentum is key. New ideas are risky, and will inevitably face resistance. The true test of whether Army is a genuinely an innovative and learning organisation will come when the rubber actually hits the road—otherwise these are all just good ideas and, as George R. R. Martin has taught us, ‘words are wind.’