Tag Archive for: Cyber

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Tag Archive for: Cyber

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Tag Archive for: Cyber

Bit by bit: China’s quantum cryptography system

Image courtesy of Flickr user ibmphoto24

I read Geoff Slocombe’s recent post about quantum computing with interest and, I’ll admit, a little skepticism. While there’s no doubt that practical quantum computing would represent a significant step forward in computing power, there are still some struggles ahead to realise a device with enough qubits to do useful calculations and that’s stable enough to provide reliable service. When quantum systems interact with the outside world they tend to stop what they’re doing—not a great feature in a computer.

My hunch is that quantum computing will prove to be similar to energy generation through nuclear fusion—well understood from a theoretical point of view, entirely possible in principle, able to be demonstrated on a laboratory scale, but difficult to implement practically. Fusion power has been ‘a few decades away’ for much more than a few decades now, and no fusion reactor has yet been able to generate more energy than is required to run it. Some engineering problems are just really hard. Quantum computing might be one of them.

I’ve now set myself up to be proven dramatically wrong on not one but two major technologies, with my only protection from Clarke’s First Law being that no one’s ever likely to call me ‘distinguished’. So I’d better hedge and say prudent planning allows for the possibility of clever people solving difficult problems, and that it’s worth thinking about the potential impact of the maturation of either or both. I’ll come back to fusion in another post, but one of the hedging strategies against the development of quantum computing was in the news earlier this month, as China announced the launch of the world’s first quantum communication satellite.

I say ‘hedging’ because quantum computing threatens the security of one of the standard approaches to cryptography. Public key encryption is the foundation of internet security, and avoids having to securely distribute the digital equivalent of codebooks to users everywhere. A leading public key method relies on it being much easier to multiply two large prime numbers than to split an even larger number into prime factors.

There’s no mathematical law that precludes the possibility of a smart person finding a really neat trick for factoring big numbers, but no one has so far. Given the time mathematicians have spent studying number theory, it’s a fair bet it’s not going to happen. (I’m tempting Clarke again.) But a big enough quantum computer factorises much faster than existing computers, threatening the security of today’s communication. Needless to say, that has the attention of people whose job it is to keep information secure.

It turns out that there’s an answer to the potential problem, and again it comes from a property of the quantum world. If you can set up a channel that reliably allows the passage of quantum information (information that isn’t a string of zeroes or ones, but a string of various mixes of zeroes and ones) then you can send strings of digits and be sure that no one has intercepted them. That’s because the act of reading a quantum message intrinsically changes it, effectively destroying its content. And because of what’s called the ‘no cloning theorem, the eavesdropper can’t reconstruct the string and send it on to the unsuspecting recipient. By this method cryptographic keys can be distributed with absolute security. A bad guy can interfere with the communication of the key, but can’t steal it.

It turns out that engineering quantum communication is much less difficult (the word ‘easy’ probably shouldn’t be applied to any of these techniques) than quantum computing. For example, the transmission along fibre optic cables of sequences of single photons of light with useful quantum properties is now well-established. That’s the basis of the 2013 Australian Government Quantum Network project to link Parliament House with other government organisations in Canberra. A prototype system was running in the US several years before that and China has ambitious plans for a secure internal network.

Bumping up against the real world tends to cause photons signals to lose their initial quantum state, and a cable length of 250 kilometers still represents a significant achievement. But scientists are still making steady progress; a German group has demonstrated the transmission of quantum signals from an aircraft to a ground station 20km away, and others have done the same between fixed ground stations 144km apart. The Chinese satellite system would use encoded light pulses to communicate with the ground. Given progress elsewhere, if we take the Chinese explanation for the satellite at face value, either it’s experimental, or the Chinese are a few steps ahead of the pack.

Quantum communication requires a dedicated communication channel, so it’s not a solution for the internet. But it’ll work for governments and militaries keen to protect their information. It seems that quantum communication could negate one of the big selling points of quantum computers even before they arrive on the scene.

Cyber wrap

Image courtesy of Flickr user Henrik Jagels

The banking world is usually a pretty cutthroat place, but the shared issue of cyber security has prompted eight major US banks to form a new alliance. J.P. Morgan, Goldman Sachs and Bank of America are among the banks that will form the new information sharing group within the existing Financial Services Information Sharing and Analysis Center, and also prepare incident responses and simulate cyber attacks on the sector. Fortune has reported that in 2016, for the second year in a row, 77% of bank executives in the US told the Banks Directors Risk Practices Survey that cybersecurity was their top concern. This has prompted some major spending on the issue, with J.P. Morgan spending US$500 million on cybersecurity in 2015.

In Australia, the ASX’s submission to a Productivity Commission inquiry into data availability and use (PDF) has noted that cyber security costs continue to increase for Australian businesses as online threats continue to grow. The ASX notes that financial market institutions and infrastructure are at the ‘forefront’ of cybersecurity challenges given the nature of personal and financial information they hold. It says investment in cyber security is critical to ensure confidence in financial markets. The ASX is working with stakeholders to develop cyber security health checks, announced as part of the new Australian Cyber Security Strategy in April. An ASX spokesperson told The Australian that ‘the aim is to share best practice and raise awareness across the ASX100’.

The Productivity Commission inquiry is investigating the benefits and costs of greater availability and costs of public and private data sets, options for collection, sharing and release of data and how to preserve individual privacy and control of data. Other major Australian companies that have made submissions to the Productivity Commission include the Commonwealth Bank, Telstra, and Australia Post, as well as government agencies including AUSTRAC.

A collection of international business groups has appealed to Chinese premier Li Keqiang to change proposed cybersecurity legislation. Their letter to Keqiang warned that the legislation’s proposed limits on information security technology, which include requirements to store Chinese customers data in China and to provide source code to the government, would ‘separate China from the digital economy’. The Chinese government has justified the legislation as necessary to control terrorism and anti-government activity, but it has been criticised for its protectionist approach, shielding the emerging Chinese IT market from overseas competitors.

In other China news, State media has reported that China placed the world’s first quantum-communications satellite into orbit this week. Quantum technology, which promises to provide absolutely secure communications, is a key focus of China’s five year plan released in March this year. The satellite will be used to in experiments to test quantum communications at a global range by sending a cryptographic key from Beijing to Vienna.

#censusfail had just happened when Cyber Wrap was written last week, and while officials had blamed overseas hackers, it was still unclear exactly what had caused the census website to be taken offline. In the week since it has emerged that there was a bit more to it. Cyber security journalist Patrick Gray has listed on his site Risky.Biz the many contributing factors including the ABS and IBM’s refusal to purchase DDOS protection, their reliance on geo-blocking to defend the census from denial of service incidents, firewall errors, and false positive alerts about data exfiltration that caused the ABS to suspend the website. Gray characterises censusfail as ‘amateur hour’, and the PM probably agrees, accusing IBM of failing to take appropriate measures to protect the Census. Perhaps ASD’s new program to recruit high school students will make the next census a success.

And finally a mysterious group called ‘Shadow Brokers’ have announced an online auction of programs they claim have been stolen from the NSA. The announcement, made on a Tumblr blog, claims the group has stolen surveillance tools associated with the Equation Group, an actor that cyber security researchers believe is linked to the NSA. The Shadow Brokers have released samples of the programs which they say can overcome the security of network products provided by Cisco, Juniper and Fortinet. If the group receives at least 1 million bitcoin (US$550 million), they will apparently post more files for free download. While Russia has been mentioned as a possible source for the Shadow Brokers, Guccifer 2.0, also thought to be a Russian, told Foreign Policy that the Shadow Brokers dump was ‘bullshit’.

Cyber wrap

Image courtesy of Flickr user wbeem

Las Vegas was the place to be last week, with the world’s largest annual hacker conferences, Black Hat and Defcon, taking over the town. The events unearthed lots of cyber gossip, but it was the world’s first machine-only hacking competition that stole the show. DARPA’s Cyber Grand Challenge pitted seven ‘cyber reasoning systems’ against each other to assess their ability to detect software vulnerabilities and write new security patches without human assistance. The automated computers were confronted with modified versions of historic bugs, including Heartbleed, Sendmail crackaddr and the Morris Worm. Carnegie Melon’s ‘Mayhem’ won the US$2 million prize, and even briefly held a lead on a human team in a separate hacking event—before eventually coming last. This sort of artificial intelligence isn’t intended to replace human analysis, but the success of the Challenge confirmed the utility of automated network defence and the assistance that such systems can offer in network protection. Other highlights from the desert include flying laptops, the return of the Jeep hackers, the rise of automated spear-phishing Twitter bots, and how to hack your way into first class airline lounges.

It was at the Black Hat conference that Apple announced its first ever bug bounty program. Ivan Krstic, Apple’s head of security engineering and architecture, revealed that Apple will start offering up to US$200,000 to hackers who report undiscovered security vulnerabilities in Apple’s software. After years of refusing to pay independent researchers and relying instead on internal security efforts, Apple will start the program next month on an invitation-only basis. In doing so, it joins the ranks of many other large tech companies that offer rewards for cybersecurity detective work, including Google, Microsoft and Facebook. Fancy yourself a white hat hacker? Well, check out Bugcrowd’s up-to-date inventory of live bug bounty programs. Happy hunting!

Rumours are circling that the Obama administration is planning to elevate the powers of the Pentagon’s Cyber Command. There are preparations to separate Cybercom from the NSA into a separate and more influential Unified Combatant Command. Rejigging the organisational structure appears necessary to improve Cybercom’s performance, as the shortcomings of its current online campaign against ISIS are drawing criticism from military leaders. Standby for confirmation of this change from the White House.

Cyber continues to bubble up in the US elections. The recent hack of the Democratic National Committee’s network has generated concerns over the security of the electronic voting technology. The Obama administration is considering the possibility of designating the electronic ballot-casting system as ‘critical infrastructure’. Doing so would allow the Department of Homeland Security to take more robust measures to protect the system, which Secretary Jeh Johnson described as part of the US’ ‘vital national interest’. Those discussions join a long election dialogue on cybersecurity that has included Clinton’s email misdemeanours, the DNC hack, Trump inciting Russian hackers and the respective policy positions of both candidates. Cybersecurity expert and founder of both Black Hat and Defcon, Jeff Moss, has publicly endorsed Clinton, despite her online blunders—better the devil you know. But then again, who could go past Trump’s profound value-add last month when he announced, ‘I am a fan of the future, and cyber is the future’…

As the host of the 2016 Summer Olympic Games, Rio has needed to up its cybersecurity game. Large scale sporting events bring with them an increased volume of online activity and are naturally attractive to cybercriminals. A report from security firm Fortinet reveals a spike in malicious online activity such as online payment fraud, in sync with the opening of The Games. Over the last month, Brazil has experienced an 83% rise in the number of malicious URLs, in comparison to a 16% increase globally. The major threats are expected to be phishing scams, unsecure public Wi-Fi connections and ATM skimmers. Luckily, US-CERT has published some handy tips to keep you cyber secure at The Games.

Speaking of cybercrime, Australia has set up a new cyber-intelligence unit to track terrorism financing, money laundering and financial fraud. Justice Minister Michael Keenan indicated that this unit would be stood up within the Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre to crack down on organised criminal activities online. The unit will tackle job recruitment scams with IDCARE and identify criminal patterns in cooperation with ACORN, the Australian Cybercrime Online Reporting Network.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics suffered an embarrassing denial of service last night, just as millions of Australians logged on to complete the national census. This comes after widespread privacy concerns over the increased time period that individuals’ information would be stored and security worries over the fortitude of the website’s encryption. So much so, that several senators openly committed to boycotting this week’s survey, despite hefty fines. So last night’s debacle is an awkward development, with questions being raised by the media on the origin and motivation of the incident, and its implications for the integrity of personal data. While you’re waiting for the census website to come back online, check out #bettercensusquestions for some comic relief.

Finally, Pokémon Go’s rise to become the most successful mobile game in history has led to the creation of malicious apps masquerading as the real thing. These knock-off games have popped up on the Google Play store and are smuggling malware onto people’s Android mobile operating systems. Check out Dell’s analysis of these exploits here. Getting ahead of the game, Iran has banned Pokémon Go before its even been released, on the grounds of security concerns. So, thanks to the country’s High Council of Virtual Spaces, Iranians will never be able to catch ‘em all – but at least they will be safe from cybercriminals.

Quantum computing is getting closer

Image courtesy of Flickr user Captain Pancakes

Electronic computer technology has moved from valves to transistors to progressively more complex integrated circuits and processor designs, with each change bringing higher levels of performance. Now the advent of quantum computers promises a huge step increase in processor performance to solve certain types of problems.

Quantum computers are much faster than the world’s fastest supercomputers for some applications. In 1994 Peter Shor, an applied mathematician at Bell Laboratories, gave the encryption world a shock when he demonstrated an algorithm showing that quantum computers could threaten conventional prime number based encryption methods.

If an adversary conducts successful espionage raids on encrypted information stored in present technology computer installations, possibly through a compromised or issue-motivated individual who transfers it to portable media, it could become vulnerable to decryption by that rival’s quantum computers.

Apart from the usual cyber security defences, including increased oversight and monitoring of individuals’ access to secured information, the time is coming when we need to develop encryption technology which cannot be broken by quantum computers, and we will have to use data diodes more widely and ‘air gap’ vital computer installations, greatly increasing the difficulty of authorised access to their stored information and lengthening the response time for urgent defence purposes.

It is reasonable to ask when we might see quantum computers in everyday use. Although the first such machines exist now, they are not suitable for most tasks. They are being directed towards optimisation problems that can be defined in quantum mechanical form, and for which a range of solutions can co-exist, with the challenge being to reveal the most relevant and optimal.

World-wide, defence and intelligence agencies, and large commercial organisations are taking quantum computing seriously. There are some significant Australian connections as well. A laboratory at Sydney University has been awarded a multimillion dollar grant by the US office of the Director of National Intelligence to pursue quantum computing research. The Quantum Control Laboratory in the university’s new Nanoscience Hub is the only facility in Australia chosen for the US funding.

The Quantum Computation Laboratory at UTS, Sydney, stated:

‘As with all pioneering efforts, this field presents many challenges. How to employ the laws of physics that apply to the sub-atomic world given our existence is macroscopic; determining the fundamental physical limits of our ability to process and transmit information; and where quantum technology might be applied beyond traditional concepts of computing are perhaps the three most notable.’

Another research group, at UNSW, already has a great track record under Professor Michelle Simmons, director of the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Quantum Computation and Communication Technology. Recent technology breakthroughs at UNSW included researchers building the first quantum logic gate in silicon in 2015. This clears one of the critical hurdles to making silicon-based quantum computers a reality, and gives the team a two to three-year lead over the rest of the world, enabling them to stay ahead of the competition according to Professor Simmons.

UNSW collaborating and partnering organisations include five other Australian universities, DSTG, ASD, IBM Research and ten overseas universities.

There’s also an interest from Defence. In soliciting proposals for this year’s Capability and Technology Demonstrator Program, DSTG noted capability interest in ‘quantum systems and technologies’—previously identified as a priority work area in the 2016 Defence Integrated Investment Program.

In the United States, NASA and Google’s Quantum Artificial Intelligence Laboratory hosts a 1,097-qubit D-Wave 2X™ quantum computer to explore its potential to tackle optimisation problems that are difficult or impossible for traditional supercomputers to handle.

Google is planning preemptive steps to meet the potential future challenge to today’s internet encryption from quantum computers. To future-proof today’s messaging and content, Google is testing and will deploy what it’s calling ‘post-quantum cryptography’ in its browser Chrome Canary,  using their New Hope algorithm, layered on top of current encryption methods.

Lockheed Martin has partnered with the University of Southern California, to produce a D-Wave 2X™ quantum computer ‘to advance the state of the art in software verification and validation, cryptography, drug discovery, machine learning, cyber security, finance and many other areas where innovation is bounded by the limits of high-performance computing.’ The machine has demonstrated high performance in some optimisation problems.

The problem in creating large scale quantum computers is that their building blocks are unstable, and can give false results. The major challenge is to stabilise these chips and figure out how to automatically find and fix errors. Their actual installation must be in a vibration free environment and current devices must be kept near Absolute Zero (-273 degrees Celsius).

While current quantum chips consume a fraction of a microwatt in power, the refrigeration system requires fifteen kilowatts! That’s not all bad, as an increase in computing power as the technology advances will be easily accommodated by the existing power supply.

There’s still much to do, but Australia is conducting world class research into quantum computing and communications and is fully involved internationally with intelligence and security applications.

Deterrence in cyberspace: different domain, different rules

Image courtesy of Flickr user The Official CTBTO Photostream

Cyberspace pervades everyday life. Our growing reliance on networks has increased the vulnerability of Australia’s national security, economy and society to malicious cyber actions. As a result, there’s a need to build trust and confidence in cyberspace, and the infrastructure and institutions that it enables and supports.

Deterrence policies and capabilities are often invoked as a means to create this stability. Australia’s recent Cyber Security Strategy, released in April 2016, stated that ‘Australia’s defensive and offensive cyber capabilities enable us to deter and respond to the threat of cyber attack’. In launching the Strategy, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull further emphasised that ‘acknowledging this offensive capability, adds a level of deterrence’. This rhetorical trend is also evident in other international cyber strategies including those of our major allies and partners.

However, there are pit falls in that approach to cybersecurity. In our report, Deterrence in Cyberspace, released today, we explore those issues and provide recommendations for policymakers to address stability and security in cyberspace.

The use of deterrence to mitigate security threats is based on an assumption that states are rational, and make decisions based on cost-benefit assessments. On that assumption, one can deter a challenger by increasing the perceived costs of their action (deterrence by punishment) or decreasing the expected benefit (deterrence by denial).

However, threatening punishment is unlikely to deter malicious behaviour in cyberspace, for several reasons:

  •         Setting enforceable thresholds is difficult due to the spectrum of potential acts in cyberspace and the non-binary nature of many cyber capabilities. For that reason the difference between an ‘attack’ and below-the-threshold events, such as espionage and criminality, is often less obvious.
  •         Responding proportionately is also made difficult by the difficulty of controlling escalation in cyberspace and the lack of normative framework to guide a conventional response.
  •         It’s often difficult to quickly and accurately identify the responsible actor. Attributing blame risks inadvertent escalation with a third party and can expose valuable national cyber capabilities.

Instead, such threats have the potential to heighten international insecurity by inducing what we’ve dubbed the ‘credibility-stability paradox’. The reliability of a state’s commitment to enforcing its own deterrence policy statements is a significant symbol of its political and military power. If a state doesn’t follow through on a threat when its threshold is crossed, it directly reduces its credibility in the eyes of the international community, undermining its ability to both intimidate and negotiate in the future.

Conversely, making good on a threat in cyberspace can have drastic impacts on international stability. Retaliation, either inside or outside of cyber space, may spiral beyond the intended punishment, inflicting damage over and above what would be considered a proportionate response to the breach of a threshold. That risks a minor incident triggering a tit-for-tat escalation that devolves into a larger and more destructive conflict, further damaging international stability. So, as soon as a cyber deterrence threat is extended, a state faces the strategic dilemma of being forced to choose between maintaining its credibility or risking collateral damage.

That isn’t to say that offensive cyber capability shouldn’t be developed, but rather that it shouldn’t be developed for the purpose of making threats. The use of offensive cyber capabilities, in accordance with international law, to enable and support conventional military forces contributes positively to broader deterrence capability by reinforcing the lethality and effectiveness of armed forces as a tool of state power.

The report recommends methods to alter an adversary’s decision-making by withholding the perceived rewards of certain behaviour and building an international conflict reduction framework. Implementing a denial strategy in cyberspace requires strong, adaptive defences, resilient networks, and the use of other advanced techniques and technologies to reduce the perceived value of malicious behaviour. Denying enemies an advantage commensurate with the effort required to breach security should dissuade them from further attempts on the network. That supports cybersecurity generally and, if effectively conducted, can further enhance conventional deterrence postures and improve a state’s overall national security.

ICPC’s new report explores the nature of cyberspace, reviews the challenges it poses to deterrence by punishment and offers alternative approaches for policymakers seeking to establish stability in cyberspace. In a context of increasing network dependence and growing cyber tensions, setting a precedent of restraint, trust and international cooperation is essential. This will ensure Australia can continue to reap the economic and social benefits of a stable cyberspace.

Cyber(war) wrap

Edited image courtesy of Flickr user Carolyn Lehrke

With ASPI’s cyber team flat out like lizards drinking this week, here’s a special edition of the cyber wrap, based on a lecture on cyberwarfare I gave at the ANU earlier this year.

As all good undergraduates know, the first thing you do is to look for definitions. NATO had a crack at a summit in 2014, but didn’t manage to define what constituted a cyberattack for the purposes of an alliance military response. But their official statement was clear in its assessment of the impact of cyberattacks:

‘Cyber attacks can reach a threshold that threatens national and Euro-Atlantic prosperity, security, and stability. Their impact could be as harmful to modern societies as a conventional attack.’

NATO has good reasons to think about cyberwar after the three weeks of extensive attacks on Estonia in 2007, which saw the Baltic state’s internet connectivity essentially disabled, including the banking system. Russia was widely seen as the culprit, and the attacks corresponded with heightened tensions between the countries. Today the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence is located in Estonia, and NATO’s cyber doctrine has evolved in the wake of that incident.

One the reasons that NATO is working through its thinking on the subject is the vexed questions of appropriate and proportionate response to cyberattack. If hostile action is confined entirely to cyberspace, is a physical response justified and, if so, what level of violence is appropriate? NATO’s 2014 statement that a cyberattack could be treated as the equivalent of an attack with conventional weapons (a point reiterated last year) means that:

‘… a digital attack on a member state is covered by Article 5, the collective defence clause. That states that an attack against one member of NATO “shall be considered an attack against them all” and opens the way for members to take action against the aggressor — including the use of armed force — to restore security.’

The AUSMIN talks of 2011 reached a similar conclusion for the ANZUS alliance. Stephen Smith, then Australia’s Defence Minister, observed that ‘a ”substantial cyber attack” on either country would trigger the treaty in a response similar to that following the 2001 terror attacks on the US’. His hawkishness was matched by his American counterpart, Secretary for Defense Leon Panetta, who warned in 2012 that ‘the United States was facing the possibility of a “cyber-Pearl Harbor” and was increasingly vulnerable to foreign computer hackers who could dismantle the nation’s power grid, transportation system, financial networks and government’. The Pentagon was similarly belligerent; the Wall Street Journal was told that a cyber attack on domestic infrastructure could generate a kinetic response: ‘if you shut down our power grid, maybe we will put a missile down one of your smokestacks’.

That’s problematic for a number of reasons. First, there’s the question of proportionality. An attack on a military system is one thing—and it might presage a physical attack as well—but if a civilian target such as a power grid or bank is taken down, does that justify a military response such as a bomb on a physical facility, with likely lethal consequences? Perhaps a case exists if there are fatalities due to a cyberattack, such as deaths due to extreme heat or freezing temperatures. But we have to keep this in perspective—power grids fail for all sorts of reasons, and so far squirrels constitute a greater danger to the US power grid than cyberattacks.

Second, cyberattacks aren’t always overt, and are often disavowable. Even if the location from which an attack is launched can be reliably discerned, there’s still the issue of who was responsible; was it state-backed, a ‘citizen’s militia’ or just an individual? It’s not surprising that there’s a live debate about attribution in IT professional and academic circles.

I think there’s still quite a bit of confusion in thinking about cyberwarfare. It’s certainly a new facet of conflict, and there has been a lot of work going on trying to understand what might be a new ‘domain’ in warfighting [PDF]. That’s not just an academic argument about definitions. In a recent evolution in its thinking, NATO declared cyberspace to be a military domain (in addition to land, air and sea), further lowering the bar for a collective defence response to cyberattacks.

Despite all that, I’d argue that cyberwarfare hasn’t yet been fully integrated into strategic thinking. Despite the ‘Pearl Harbor’ type hyperbole that still pops up from time to time, there are more measured voices that argue for a more nuanced approach, and caution against invoking defence treaties in response to cyberattacks.

Some analysts doubt that cyberwarfare will ever take place, at least as a stand-alone activity. That’s a view I tend to agree with. The 2007 attacks on Estonia were undoubtedly hostile, but ultimately no territory or lives were lost. On the other hand, the Russian military assault on Georgia in 2008, which was accompanied by extensive cyberattacks, was unambiguously an act of war. For now at least, I think we’re best off thinking about cyberwarfare as an adjunct to other forms of war.

Further reading

In 2012, ASPI produced an anthology of papers on the consequences of cyberattacks for the ANZUS alliance. More recently, our International Cyber Policy Centre Fellow Jim Lewis provided some thoughts on the role offensive cyber capabilities in cyberwarfare.

Cyber wrap

Image courtesy of Flickr user WOCinTech Chat

According to a recent survey by Tech London Advocates, London’s tech experts and cyber security professionals are ‘overwhelmingly opposed’ to the UK’s recent decision to leave the EU. Mainland Europe represents an  essential source of talent for the UK, which suffers an ‘alarming lack of digital skills’, and Brexit will likely raise barriers to Europeans’ freedom to work and travel in the UK. In fact, there are concerns that a potential dip in Britain’s economy may result in a technological brain drain, with British cyber professionals seeking higher pay in countries such as the US. Negotiating the split will involve establishing whether British law enforcement will continue to benefit from the information sharing arrangements of Europol’s European Cybercrime Centre (EC3), and whether it will continue to reflect the privacy and data protection legislation of the EU or develop its own regulation standards. The attractive benefits of the EU’s ‘digital single market’ means it’s likely Britain will continue to adhere to the data standards of its continental counterparts in order to facilitate the flow of data across the Channel.

Staying with European data debates, the final changes to the US–EU data sharing agreement, Privacy Shield, have been agreed upon this week. The new arrangement will regulate the transatlantic transfer of EU data by US companies, replacing the ‘Safe Harbour’ model that was struck down last October by the European Court of Justice. The scheme features ‘a number of additional clarifications and improvements’ in response to concerns of US mass surveillance of European citizens. The new data transfer pact includes stronger restrictions and establishes the role of a US ombudsman to handle complaints over American misuse of EU data. The final version of Privacy Shield was sent to European member states for review this week, and the vote is expected to be held early next month.

Russia’s new mass surveillance bill will require all messaging services operating in Russia—such as WhatsApp, Telegram and Viber—to provide the Federal Security Service with backdoor access to citizens’ personal communications. Pitched as a counterterrorism bill, the legislation will also necessitate ISPs to hold customers’ metadata for three years and real communication records for up to six months. The legislation has been dubbed ‘the big brother law’ and companies that fail to comply will be subject to fines of up to one million Rubles (AU$20,000). Russia’s lower house, the Duma, passed the bill last week and it’s now expected to move quickly through Russia’s Federal Council and the Kremlin, into law.

China is also clamping down on data management, holding a second reading of controversial new draft rules this week. The cybersecurity law will require Chinese citizens’ personal data be stored domestically, with any request to transfer the data overseas requiring a government security evaluation. Importantly, the legislation will force network operators to ‘comply with social morals and accept the supervision of the government’. While Chinese media outlets state that these measures as designed to ‘protect the information infrastructure’, the bill is seen internationally as ‘internet censorship enshrined in legislation’.

The US recently held its fifth annual military network defence test, Cyber Guard, in Virginia with nearly 1,000 participants from the military, government, private sector, academia and allied countries. The exercise, led by the US Cyber Command, the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security, required participants to respond to a simulated network attack on US infrastructure. Over a week, participants were challenged by an active expert ‘red team’ to practice inter-agency coordination, private sector cooperation and Five Eyes interoperability. Cyber Command is also working to establish a ‘Persistent Training Environment’—a year-round cyber facility capable of simulating multiple scenarios simultaneously—which is expected to reach initial operating capability in 2019.

Closer to home, the Australian Department of Defence has announced a $12 million contribution to the Australian National University’s new innovation centre for high performance computing, data analytics and cybersecurity. The $45 million research facility will house 70 students, academics and staff from the Australian Signals Directorate. The initiative is part of efforts to boost the study of STEM subjects and address Australia’s cyber skills shortage.

For some in-depth reading, check out the Global Commission on Internet Governance: One Internet report released by the Centre for International Governance Innovation and Chatham House this week. Notably, it proposes three potential outcomes for the internet: ‘a dangerous and broken cyberspace’, ‘unequal gains’ or ‘broad unprecedented progress’. Microsoft has also published a new report this week, proposing a cybersecurity norm development model for both nation states and ICT industry. The paper addresses offensive, defensive and industry norms, as part of Microsoft’s ongoing work to ‘advance trust in global ICT ecosystems’.

National cyber budgets: same, same but different

Image courtesy of Flickr user Defence Images

The latest report from UNSW’s Australian Centre for Cyber Security (ACCS), ‘Australia’s Response to Advanced Technology Threats,’  claims that Australia doesn’t take cyber threats seriously enough. The report argues that the differences between Australian cyber security rhetoric and spending compared to our allies, namely the US and UK, indicate that Australia is lagging behind in both our understanding of and responses to cyber threats. The report argues correctly that Australia has a long way to go towards developing the strong cyber security posture and workforce it requires. However, when making comparisons between Australia and other countries, it’s helpful to understand a variety of factors that contribute to national differences.

The transnational nature of cyberspace requires national cyber security budgets to address international cyber challenges. Developing conflict prevention frameworks, capacity building efforts, internet governance initiatives and international cybercrime engagement are priorities that demand international cooperation. So a certain proportion of states’ cyber spending is directly comparable and a national budget can act as an indicator of a government’s capacity to address global challenges and contribute to those international projects.

However, it’s important to remember that a proportion of a state’s budget is reflective of its specific national cyber threat landscape. The cyber security risks seen on the ground differ in nature, number and extremity between countries. For example, while the majority of breaches in France are the product of hackers or criminal insiders, such incidents only represent 30% of cyber incidents in Brazil.

Numerically, the threat faced by the US is enormous; IBM’s 2015 Cost of Data Breach Study found that while 60% of global cyber incidents take place in the US, only 6% occur in Australia. Incidents in the US are not only more numerous but also more damaging. For example, an international study by the Ponemon Institute found the average cost of a breach in the US to be US$15 million, US$6.32 million in the UK and only US$3.47 million in Australia. Meanwhile, Australian government figures sit even lower, with the average cost of a breach to an Australian business estimated at AU$276,323.

The divergent frequency and scale of incidents results in varying aggregate damage to each country. McAfee’s 2014 report, Net Losses: Estimating the Global Cost of Cybercrime, undertook an international comparison of the proportion of a country’s GDP lost as a result of malicious activity online. According to the report, Australia lost only 0.08% of its GDP, while the UK and the US lost 0.16% and 0.64% respectively.

Even assuming that each country faced the exact same cyber threat, making budget comparisons in relative terms as a proportion of national GDP, rather than in absolute terms, more accurately reveals cyber security’s position within national priorities. Referring to recent announcements of US plans to invest US$19 billion in cyber security efforts over one year, while the UK has committed £1.9 billion over five, the report claims that Australia is annually being outspent by its allies by 400 and 10 times respectively.

However, when broken down annually and measured as a proportion of GDP (as projected over the relevant funding years), Australia spends 0.003%, the UK 0.020% and the US 0.113% of national GDP on cyber security. The claim that the US is spending hundreds times more than Australia is based on a direct comparison of absolute budget allotment, without taking into account the size of the economy from which the investment is being made. Such comparisons are therefore misleading in the important discussions on Australia’s funding strategies.

The US and UK are actually spending 35 and 6 times more than Australia in relative terms, respectively. The gap between Australian and US spending isn’t as severe as suggested in the ACCS report, and must be understood in the context of each country’s level of risk. Compared to Australia, the US experiences a 10 times higher rate of cyber incident, 8 times the cost to GDP and 5 times the cost per average breach. That reality means the existence of some gap in national funding response should in some sense be expected, and doesn’t necessarily represent an Australian disregard of the importance of cybersecurity measures as the report suggests.

Of course, the discrepancy is still significant and there’s room for growth in the Australian budget. The need to invest and plan further for Australia’s cyber workforce, as mentioned in the report, cannot be understated and is a priority echoed by the ICPC. Increasing Australian investment in cyber education, securing infrastructure and combatting cybercrime, as suggested by the report, is important to address the AU$2 billion cost of malicious cyber activities to the Australian economy each year.

However, there’s an important difference between calling for increasing investment and requesting more dramatic rhetoric. Policy development needs to take place in a reasoned and rational manner, so avoiding misleading and alarmist comparisons is essential. Threat perceptions must be accurate and breach reports honest, but unnecessarily dramatising the threat doesn’t change the results on the ground.

Australia should continue to increase its investment in cyber security to ensure it manages the risks, and can continue to enjoy the benefits of cyberspace. It’s vital that this discussion is based on national realities and informed by an accurate understanding of where Australia sits in relation to its peers in terms of relative risk and response.

Cyber wrap

Cybersecurity made an appearance in the eighth round of the US–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue which took place in Beijing last week, chaired by State Councillor Yang Jiechi and Secretary of State John Kerry. Both countries reaffirmed the value of the Senior Experts Group on International Norms in Cyberspace and Related Issues, their commitment to refrain from supporting cyber-enabled theft of intellectual property and their positive anticipation of the second High-Level Dialogue on Cybercrime and Related Issues to be held in Beijing on June 14.

The first of those ministerial-level US–China cybercrime talks was held last December, breaking the freeze in Sino-US cyber relations that started when China withdrew from a bilateral working group in response to the US indictment of 5 Chinese military officials back in May 2014. The recent December talks established a set of guidelines, a hotline and plans to conduct a tabletop exercise and continue discussions on the issue in 2016. The weekend’s terrible shooting in Orlando has meant that the second iteration of talks scheduled for this week will now be conducted at the sub-ministerial level. For a handy synopsis of US–China cyber perspectives, check out this Cipher Brief interview with Adam Segal from the Council on Foreign Relations.

Achieving additional bilateral goals, President Obama talked cybersecurity with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the White House last week. As part of their third major bilateral summit, the leaders released a joint statement that committed to deepening their cooperative partnership in regards to combatting cybercrime, securing critical infrastructure and promoting voluntary norms of state behaviour. During the talks, the US and India penned a ‘Framework for the US-India Cyber Relationship’ that’s expected to be signed by the two leaders within the next 60 days. The framework recognises both countries’ simultaneous commitment to a ‘multistakeholder model of Internet governance’ and ‘the leading role for governments in cyber security matters relating to national security’. That duality is an interesting addition to a sequence of inconsistent policy stances taken by the Indian government over the past year, which has included variations of a government-led multilateral approach and a broader multistakeholder approach.

There’s more good news for Indian cybersecurity, with the establishment of a new Microsoft Cyber Security Engagement Centre last week. Microsoft selected the city of Gurgaon as the location for one of only seven such cyber security hubs worldwide. The centre is intended to stimulate public–private cooperation in the fight against cybercrime and increase cooperation amongst Indian businesses, government and academic organisations. Microsoft’s initiative will be run in collaboration with the National Cybersecurity Coordinator, as well as CERT-India, meaning it’s a great step forward for public–private partnership in India.

It seems that everybody is interested in the US Presidential race, with the Democratic National Committee’s networks suffering a breach at the hands of Russian hackers. The two groups involved were reportedly removed from the system by Crowdstrike over the weekend, after several months of clandestine activity. The intrusion focused on internal staff communications and opposition research on Donald Trump, disregarding the personal information of donors, suggesting motivations of espionage rather than financial cybercrime. This, paired with the ongoing issue of Clinton’s email server, leaves Democratic cybersecurity wanting.

The UK House of Commons passed the contentious Investigatory Powers Billlast week, licensing the government to collect bulk data on the online activity and smartphone use of Brits. The first cut of the surveillance bill, rejected after it elicited strong private sector objection, required businesses to increase their retention of customer data and help law enforcement undermine encrypted communications. Facebook, Google, Microsoft, Twitter and Yahoo released a joint submission outlining their concerns last December, specifically in reference to ‘obligations relating to the removal of electronic protection applied by a relevant operator to any communication or data’. Clearly heeding the harsh industry feedback and attempting to avoid the mess of the Apple-FBI debate, the final version requires that companies overcome encryption measures only if it’s reasonable in terms of cost and technology. However, these amendments haven’t satisfied critical civil rights and privacy advocates, who refer to this bill as the ‘Snooper’s Charter’, and who will likely wait with baited breath to see if the legislation is passed by the House of Lords later this year.

European privacy is a hot topic this week, with Germany fining three companies for transferring data under the auspices of an overturned privacy law. As we’ve covered previously, the Safe Harbour agreement supported the transfer of EU data across the Atlantic by US companies, based on self-regulation. This agreement was deemed invalid by the European Court of Justice last October, making such data transfers illegal. This week, Adobe Systems, PepsiCo subsidiary Punica, and Unilever have been slapped with fines totalling €28,000 for failing to establish an alternative method of cross-border data transfer. The Hamburg Data Commissioner stated that ‘the data transfer of these companies to the USA was thus without any legal basis and unlawful’.

Agenda for Change 2016: the strategic agenda

Image courtesy of Flickr user Eiigenberg Fotografie

This piece is drawn from Agenda for Change 2016: strategic choices for the next government.

In the August 2013 version of Agenda for Change, I suggested four big reforms for the incoming government:

  • Develop a global rather than Asia-centric foreign policy focus, set it out in a new Foreign Policy White Paper and increase Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) funding by $100 million a year by reducing AusAID funding.
  • Return order and consistency to defence planning by reconciling ambitious equipment plans with budget realities.
  • Rethink approaches to cybersecurity by committing to a Cyber Security White Paper within 12 months of taking office, and boost cyber policy and decision‐making capabilities.
  • Take a more disciplined approach to using the cabinet for decision-making. Rethink the roles of junior ministers and strengthen the use of parliament to help produce better quality policy.

As we approach the 2016 election, how did my recommendations fair over a tumultuous first term for the Coalition government? I’ll claim one ‘half done’ reform, two substantially implemented and one that didn’t even make it out of the gate.

The foreign policy recommendation stands as ‘half done’ in my view. The government has clearly adopted a more global as opposed to an Asia-focused foreign policy. While the tone has changed, Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull both championed closer Australian engagement with Europe, partly because of the need for closer counterterrorism cooperation, partly to diversify economic interests as Chinese growth slowed. It wasn’t coincidental that Germany was an early visit destination for Malcolm Turnbull, given his commitment to innovation and new ideas driving economic growth. There’s been a remarkable increase in cooperation with European countries on intelligence, defence and counterterrorism matters, and the decision to buy a French-designed submarine will transform that bilateral relationship as we learn to deal with a French ‘parent navy’.

Government continues to put priority on military operations in the Middle East and on the US alliance, and has shown refreshing interest in emerging relationships in Africa (minus an effective aid program, though) and Latin America. It turns out that Australia can take a more global approach and still keep the closest engagement with Asia. This isn’t an ‘either/or’ choice, even though many foreign policy ‘Asia only’ advocates insist that it is.

Implementing a grown-up, globalised foreign policy is a signal achievement for Foreign Minister Julie Bishop, who has managed to increase Australia’s foreign representation overseas—the first such growth of overseas missions in more than 20 years. Bishop has also affectively linked Australian aid priorities towards broader foreign policy goals by bringing AusAID into DFAT. She has also made effective use of multilateral institutions and promoted quality people-to-people linkages through her New Colombo Plan training scheme.

With those successes, it’s puzzling that government hasn’t committed to a new Foreign Policy White Paper. Julia Gillard’s Asian Century White Paper was rightly committed to the electronic archives, but nothing credibly and crisply sets out the government’s foreign policy priorities has replaced it. It should be an easy task for a returned Coalition government to develop such a policy statement. Diplomacy without the underpinnings of an articulated strategy is a bit like improvised theatre: creative, but soon forgotten. If Julie Bishop stays as Foreign Minister, she should tell us in a White Paper what the government’s foreign policy stands for. A Labor government should want to do the same. Tanya Plibersek as foreign minister will need to set out her own thinking on foreign policy priorities, establish lines of continuity to past Labor approaches and work out what policy settings from the past three years to keep and what to change.

Of my other suggestions, the cyber policy statement was released in April 2016. Better late than never, although delaying such a paper for years hardly suggests that the bureaucracy ‘gets’ the need for speed in dealing with the fast-changing cyberworld. The policy is solid, and unexpectedly revealed that Australia maintains a capacity to mount ‘offensive’ cyber operations. In a difficult fiscal environment, money has been found to support closer engagement between government and the business community on cyber matters. Expectations of further policy development in that area are high, particularly given Turnbull’s deep understanding of telecommunications. The need for a strong cyber policy and better whole-of-government implementation is greater now than three years ago, so rapidly is the area developing.

The 2016 Defence White Paper fully delivers on the recommendation to align Defence equipment plans with budget realities. Both the government and the opposition remain committed to lifting defence spending to 2% of GDP. The White Paper is better costed than all its predecessors. Via a circuitous path, the government has finally landed on a long-term commitment to continuous shipbuilding in Australia, so we can finally pack away the wet dreams of dry zealots about shipping defence industry offshore. Of course, the believability of the 2016 DWP is tied to the government’s spending commitment in what we all know is a worsening budgetary situation. But what policy isn’t tied to future spending decisions? At least the White Paper will show us when future governments change course.

As for my final recommendation about government taking a more disciplined approach to using cabinet for decision-making … well, what could I have been thinking! Readers wanting to see how far I was off the mark should consult Laura Tingle’s Quarterly Essay, ‘Political amnesia’, Niki Savva’s book, The Road to Ruin and a slew of memoirs from Labor’s shell-shocked casualties of the Rudd–Gillard–Rudd era to see how disastrously cabinet government has run off the rails. Blame the 24/7 media cycle. Blame battalions of staffers relentlessly texting each-other. Blame tweeting internet trolls, twerking populists and ranting radio shock jocks. Blame a ‘responsive’ rather than a thoughtful Australian Public Service. Just don’t expect a return to the calm nostrum that good process makes good policy.

At worst, the future of public policy looks more like Donald Trump than John Howard. That should profoundly worry anyone who cares about the idea of government producing considered policy. It remains true the best way forward for government is the intelligent use of cabinet processes, the orderly working of parliament and its committees and a public service with spine and a commitment to policy excellence rather than just ‘issue management’. An explicit and believable commitment to return to methodical policy development should be the most fundamental policy goal for any future Australian Government.

Beyond completing, or indeed starting, on the policy objectives outlined above, I suggest four big national security goals for the Australian Government after the 2016 election:

  •        Step up efforts to defeat Islamic State in Iraq.
  •        Modernise how we manage our alliance with the US.
  •        Prepare the ground for submarine nuclear propulsion.
  •        Promote a defence export base for industry.

None of those tasks is necessarily easy, and all are potentially controversial. Hence the need for careful policy preparation, a focus on explaining a public case for each initiative and a commitment to making each initiative as bipartisan as possible.