Tag Archive for: Australia

Strategic partnerships: Bismarck and beef

Otto von Bismarck

The theme of partnership is a growing one in Australian strategic policy. In some ways, it’s a useful qualifier to the emphases placed in an earlier era on ANZUS and self-reliance. And it’s probably not a coincidence that the notion of partnerships has arisen in tandem with Asia’s rise in global politics. In this post we want to work through the concept to highlight a more structured way of thinking about it.

We have to begin by observing something about the region as a whole. For at least the next twenty years, we’ll find ourselves on the periphery of a region where the strategic centre of gravity will be shifting—closer to us, rather than further away. As a consequence, we’ll sense the greater intrusion of Asian power shifts into our personal space. Those power shifts don’t automatically generate a more disintegrated Asian region. If we ask ourselves what would drive the growth of separate strategic blocs in Asia, the simplest answer is that the growth of Bismarckian nationalism, not mere multipolarity, is the factor most likely to exert such disintegrative pressures. In short, Asian mulipolarity is certain but the direction of nationalistic identities is uncertain—and possibly concerning. Read more

Asia in 2014

The B-2, from the 509th Bomb Wing at Whiteman Air Force Base, MoWe enter 2014 with the Asian security mosaic as complicated as it’s been in a long while. The two rising regional great powers, China and India, are still rising but at least in China’s case growth is slowing. The region’s stalled great power, Japan, is making a solid effort to get its motor running again. Russia is probably still a declining power, at least as far as Asia and the Pacific are concerned, but it’s modernising its nuclear forces and playing its foreign policy cards more adroitly. Kim Jong-un’s North Korea remains a regional wild card, the country’s nuclear program accelerating even as its domestic politics become more brutal and less certain. The region’s second-tier powers—and here we could reasonably count South Korea, Indonesia, Australia, Thailand, the Philippines and Vietnam—add their own complexities to the mix. And that’s before we even get to the United States.

We’re approaching the one-year anniversary of the beginning of President Obama’s second term. And, speaking plainly, I don’t think it has started well. The noted Asia hands of his first administration—people like Kurt Campbell and Jim Steinberg—have left. True, Joe Biden (the Vice President) and Susan Rice (the National Security Adviser) have both delivered big set-piece speeches on Asia. And the rebalance remains the core of US Asia policy—even though Asian audiences are still trying to decide what it actually means. Meanwhile two US decisions about the Middle East—the handling of the Syrian chemical-weapons issue and the Iranian nuclear agreement—have both muddied the waters in US relations with Asia. The first showed a hesitancy in US willingness to use force; the second a US willingness (actually a P5+1 willingness) to accept a quasi-nuclear status for Tehran. Both decisions have generated ripples in our own region.

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The Abbott strategic trifecta (4): the value of values

B-2

The diplomatic calendar is going to help Tony Abbott work through the current period of diplomatic pain with China. Australia is chairing the G20 and China is the APEC chair as the group celebrates its 25th birthday. Beijing shouldn’t spend too much time beating up Canberra if it is putting energy into the theme it chose for its APEC year: ‘Shaping the Future through Asia-Pacific Partnership.’

Both the G20 and the APEC chairing jobs will focus on shared economic interests, cooperation and the search for consensus. That will aid an Abbott effort to shift the spotlight from his bilateral bother with Beijing, and perhaps help the Prime Minister to do some reframing of his strategic trifecta—the alliance, interests and values that Australia shares with Japan and the US.

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Australia and Indonesia: what now?

Australia and Indonesia are working together to reduce poverty and promote regional peace, stability and prosperity

Australians shouldn’t underestimate the depth of feeling that Indonesians feel about the recent spying matter. It has aggravated some old, deep wounds and surprised many there. This kind of surprise leads to deep cracks that need to be repaired carefully. But it’s clear that many people on both sides want this relationship to work. That’s a plus.

Recent statements and actions by President Yudhoyono and Prime Minister Abbott offer the hope that the Australia-Indonesia relationship can return to a positive trajectory: thinking observers will give both leaders credit for that. While the process requested by President Yudhoyono for creating the new security relations framework is likely to take some time to complete, it’s worth taking some early steps—including an ‘act of good faith’—and making preparations to resume the bilateral relationship now.

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The Abbott strategic trifecta (2): Japan as ‘strong ally’

The Japanese Imperial Navy battlecruiser Ibuki helped escort troops of the 1st AIF to Egypt in 1915.

According to Tony Abbott, Japan is Australia’s ‘best friend in Asia’ and a ‘strong ally’ . These are important elements of what this series calls the strategic trifecta—alliance, interests and values—which the Prime Minister has invoked in placing Australia beside Japan and the US in the East China Sea confrontation with China.

In elevating Japan to ‘strong ally’, Abbott is adding to what John Howard built when he created a strategic partnership with Japan and put the trilateral leg into the US–Japan and the US–Australia alliances.

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Inserting iron in the idiom on the East China Sea

Australian Prime Minister AbbottWhen you change the government, you change the country, a previous Prime Minister once said. And one of the many things that changes is the way a new government thinks about international relations and the foreign policy language it uses or is prepared to adopt.

A new aspect of this rule is that when Australia changes the governing party—first under Howard, then Rudd and now Abbott—the new government immediately has a serious argument with China.

The previous column noted one Abbott change in language that involves a significant shift in talking to China. The first version of this hardening of Australian-endorsed wordage was in the October communiqué from the Trilateral Strategic Dialogue between Australian, Japan and the US:

Ministers opposed any coercive or unilateral actions that could change the status quo in the East China Sea. They underlined the importance of efforts to reduce tensions and to avoid miscalculations or accidents in the East China Sea, including by improving marine communications.

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Australia–Indonesia police cooperation is not a diplomatic weapon

Last week Indonesian National Police (POLRI) chief General Sutarman announced that cooperation with the Australian Federal Police (AFP) on people smuggling had been suspended in light of the recent spying row between Australia and Indonesia. Today, it’s been reported that information sharing on cyber crime would also be halted, and it’s entirely possible that further police cooperation is in jeopardy.

This cooperation should not be used as a ‘blunderbuss’ style of diplomatic weapon: put simply, Indonesian and Australian people will be indiscriminately harmed by this weapon.

Since the late 1970s in particular, cooperation between POLRI and AFP has helped to combat some of the region’s most pressing law enforcement problems including transnational crime, drug smuggling, people smuggling and human trafficking, and terrorism.

By working side by side on these issues, Indonesians and Australians have cooperated at times when we needed it most. It’s also meant both countries’ police have worked together quickly, efficiently and effectively because of the time both invested in each other. Read more

‘Anonymous’ and national security

Individuals appearing in public as Anonymous, wearing Guy Fawkes masks

Australia has recently faced criticism for its active role in US-led spying networks in the region, particularly from Indonesia. But the backlash to digital eavesdropping hasn’t been isolated to diplomatic circles and leadership groups, or even to the physical world.

The other dimension to this diplomatic fallout is the arousal of frustration, suspicion and anger within the wider Indonesian public. As part of this dynamic, it has been documented that Indonesian hacking groups had successfully conducted a ‘denial of service’ attack against the Australian Secret Intelligence Service website. Such an attack refers to the flooding of an online server with false requests until it’s completely down and non-operational—computer systems ‘crash’.

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Thinking beyond the ADF in preparing an amphibious capability

AusAID's Sam Zappia talks with Flying Officer Mick McGirr and an Indonesian military official on the beach of Pariaman.

The ADF has done a lot to harmonise its capability to fulfil military objectives. But government must think beyond the ADF when looking at how we will prepare an amphibious capability that will fulfil national objectives. There’s a gap here: other government agencies and the humanitarian sector need to be brought into ADF planning. That’s because HADR is growing in importance as a national priority in our disaster-exposed region.

The latest super typhoon to hit the Philippines again reminds us of the human toll caused by nature’s fury. Already the US, UK and Canadian militaries are assisting in relief efforts and an Australian medical team transported by a C17 departs today. The scale of these natural disasters is likely to increase due to a combination of population growth, coastal development, higher population densities and climate change.

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(more) Reader responses: Australia as a pivotal power

Anthony Bergin’s recent post Is Australia a pivotal power?  has sparked a lot of responses. Below are the latest submissions. We’re also happy to hear from readers who aren’t named Andrew.

It’s only words

Andrew Davies

In the proud tradition of ASPI not having a house view on issues, I feel compelled to buy into the ‘pivotal power’ discussion kicked off here by Anthony Bergin. Thanks to Damien Kingsbury, I now know that ‘pivotal’ is an adjective that already has its own associated meaning in these matters. But ultimately I subscribe to the Humpty Dumpty school of thought; words mean what we want them to mean. So really I don’t think it matters how we characterise ourselves. What matters, as Carl Ungerer pointed out yesterday, is how successful we are in shaping our foreign policy to achieve outcomes that support our national interests.

But I’m rather taken by Damien’s suggested ‘thought experiment’ of imagining what would happen if Australia was to disappear—that’s a very neat way of structuring the exercise of evaluating Australia’s influence. And it serves the purpose of quickly illuminating where our real influence lies. Read more