An Australian strategy for the quantum revolution

What’s the problem?

The world is now at the precipice of another technological and social revolution—the quantum revolution. The countries that master quantum technology will dominate the information processing space for decades and perhaps centuries to come, giving them control and influence over sectors such as advanced manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, the digital economy, logistics, national security and intelligence.

The power of quantum computing, quantum communications and other quantum-enabled technologies will change the world, reshaping geopolitics, international cooperation and strategic competition. The new United States administration is well aware of this. In his first weeks in office, President Biden signalled a major new policy focus on science and technology,1 including quantum technologies.2 This will involve new public investment, working closer with allies, and decisions such as re-establishing the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology.3 The Covid-19 crisis has also seen quantum emerge as an investment vector for post-pandemic recovery: large capital investments have been made over the past year by such nations as China, Japan, Germany, France, South Korea and India.

While Australia benefited from the digital revolution of the 20th century, we missed our opportunity to play a major role in the computing and communications technology sector. A similar fate doesn’t have to befall us in the upcoming quantum revolution. We have a long history of leadership in quantum technology and we’re highly influential relative to our size. As geopolitical competition over critical technologies escalates, we’re also well placed to leverage our quantum capabilities owing to our geostrategic location and alliances with other technologically, economically and militarily dominant powers (most notably the Five Eyes countries) and key partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, including with Japan and India. While Australia is well placed to take full advantage of the quantum revolution, the status quo isn’t enough. We must build and capitalise on the immense potential of quantum technologies.

What’s the solution?

Australia needs a clear quantum strategy, political leadership and an organised effort, including policy focus and public investment. Without those things, we’ll be left behind. This report focuses on analysis—and building policy recommendations—to help Australia better leverage the quantum revolution. It also recognises that quantum is just one critical technology and that what’s needed is a step change in our current policy settings related to critical and emerging technologies more generally. Hence, this report makes broader policy recommendations that serve the dual purpose of supporting that much-needed step change, while also enabling a more strategic focus on Australia’s quantum opportunities.

The Prime Minister should appoint a dedicated and ongoing minister for critical and emerging technologies (that position could also inherit ‘cyber’). This minister’s focus should be technology, rather than ‘technology’ being added to a longer list of portfolio topics. This should be a whole-of-government role with the minister working across the relevant economic, national security, industry, research, defence and science agencies in the public service. The Australian Government should also immediately lay the groundwork for a post-Covid-19 $15 billion technology stimulus that should include a $3-4 billion investment in quantum technologies.4 The stimulus would be a game-changer for Australia and help the country diversify and deepen its technological and R&D base.5 It would also exploit our disproportionate concentration of world-class quantum expertise, ensuring the long-term growth and maintenance of this vital technological sector.

The government should move quickly in 2021 to develop and articulate a national technology strategy, of which quantum should form a key part. The relatively new but small Critical Technologies Policy Coordination Office in the Department of the Prime Minister & Cabinet (PM&C) should be expanded and elevated to become the ‘National Coordinator for Technology’. This division within PM&C—which is already developing a list of key critical technology areas6—should lead this whole-of-government technology strategy process. They should work closely with other parts of government, including the Department of Industry, Science, Energy and Resources (DISER), Office of the Chief Scientist, Defence, Home Affairs, DFAT, CSIRO, the Office of National Intelligence, the Australian Signals Directorate, as well as the research and civil society community and the private sector. Within the division, offices should be created to focus on a small number of key critical technology areas deemed most important to Australia and our place in the world. The first such office should be developed for quantum technology, while other offices could focus on, biotechnology7 and artificial intelligence, for example. A useful model for such appointments is the position of Assistant Director for Quantum Information Science at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy in the US.

At the same time, the federal government should lead a national quantum initiative, in consultation with the states and territories and the private sector. This national initiative should form the ‘Australian Distributed Quantum Zone’—a large collaboration of universities, corporations and Australian-based quantum start-ups tasked with laying the foundations of a dedicated industry in Australia for quantum technology prototyping, development and manufacturing. Significant government investment should be used to help stimulate an economy emerging from the most severe crisis in decades. Australia’s favourable handling of Covid-19 presents a unique opportunity to attract new talent as well as to lure back Australians currently running foreign quantum programs, and further expansions to the government’s talent visa options should be considered. Once this groundwork is laid domestically, Australia will be in a strong position to assume a quantum technology leadership role in the Indo-Pacific region.

Introduction

Quantum technology—technology that takes advantage of the rules and behaviour of light and matter at their most fundamental level—has existed for nearly a century. Lasers, MRI machines8 and transistors all rely on the quantum mechanical properties of nature to function. In fact, quantum technology can be directly attributed to the medical and digital revolutions that occurred in the 20th century. Without lasers there would be no fibre-optic communication, without MRIs the entire field of high-resolution, non-invasive medical imaging wouldn’t be possible and without transistors there would be no digital electronics.

However, there’s a difference between those types of quantum technology and the devices we’re trying to build today. While lasers, MRIs and transistors exploit the quantum mechanical nature of reality to function, they don’t manipulate the exact quantum mechanical properties of individual quantum objects such as atoms or particles of light. The second generation of quantum technologies, which includes quantum computers, quantum communication networks and quantum sensors, manipulate single atoms or particles of light with exquisite precision. This leads to computational and communications systems that offer an extraordinary level of new technological power.

Timelines for the delivery of these technologies range widely:

  • 0–5 years for sensors for health, geosurveying and security
  • 5–10 years for quantum-secured financial transactions, hand-held quantum navigation devices and cloud access to quantum processors of a few thousands of qubits9
  • 10–15 years+ for the establishment of wide-ranging quantum communications and the integration of quantum sensors into everyday consumer applications, such as mobile phones
  • 15 years+ for a quantum computer capable of cracking public-key cryptosystems.

Those time frames could change if and when faster breakthroughs occur, but are at least broadly indicative of the pace and likelihood of quantum development. The quantum technology that birthed the digital revolution of the 20th century was just the beginning. On the one hand, this new class of technology could aid in the creation of new materials and drugs, adapt and secure communication networks, increase economic output and improve quality of life. On the other, quantum technologies also represent a significant long-term threat to our digital security, and the promise of computing technology that can scale exponentially in power in the hands of geostrategic adversaries. These new devices will create a knowledge gap in every piece of technology, from security to manufacturing to medicine and bioscience.

Part 1: Australia and quantum technology

Background: A long history of Australian leadership in quantum technology

Australia has played a pivotal role in the advancement of second-generation quantum technology since the technology’s emergence in the 1990s. The country nurtured the intellectual and technological backbone for what’s now a global and highly competitive network of academic and corporate research, as well as a rich global start-up ecosystem. However, as world powers are now recognising the urgency of dominating the quantum technology industry, Australia is at risk of losing its competitive edge.

Australia often achieves great things with scarce resources, including in the technology sector, yet we’re still small compared to the scientific powerhouses of the US, the UK, Germany, Japan and, in the past 20 years, China. We have a population of just over 25 million and an economy strongly reliant on primary industries, so our scientific research tends to focus on `areas of critical mass’ such as mining, agriculture and medical research. Therefore, it may be surprising that a major strength in Australian physics research is still quantum technology.

Australia’s expertise in quantum physics and quantum technology emerged thanks to significant research before 1990, as well as government policy and the country’s strengths in inexpensive innovation. Since at least the 1980s, Australia and New Zealand have had exceptionally strong representation in the field of quantum optics, for example. It’s also an artefact of a time when the fields of particle physics and condensed matter were dominated by the US and USSR. Quantum optics, on the other hand, was a ‘cheap and cheerful’ science in which real progress could be made with the limited resources available south of the equator.

Here’s a brief overview of how Australia currently maintains quantum research:

The Australian Research Council (ARC) Centres of Excellence program is considered the premiere funding vehicle for fundamental and applied research. Many of the (current and past) centres of excellence (CoEs) have a quantum technology aspect. The CoE for Quantum Computation and Communication Technology (CQC2T) has been both the most visible and the best funded of the CoEs since 1999. The vast majority of that investment is focused on the singular goal of designing and building a silicon-based quantum computer. Given the collaborative nature of the CoE, this has resulted in an exceptionally high level of output in the area of quantum computing. In parallel, the CoE for Engineered Quantum Systems (EQUS), funded from 2011 to 2024, has achieved groundbreaking research outcomes in a variety of other quantum technologies falling broadly under the category of quantum machines.

Australia has also hosted other CoEs with significant quantum physics research focused on technology and applications, but they haven’t always specifically labelled themselves as quantum technology centres, and many have been discontinued:

  • The Centre for Quantum-Atom Optics (ACQAO) combined theoretical and experimental groups to advance the rapidly developing field of quantum atom optics (discontinued in 2010).
  • The Centre for Ultrahigh Bandwidth Devices for Optical Systems (CUDOS) focused on photonic engineering and optical devices for communication (discontinued in 2017).
  • The Centre for Nanoscale BioPhotonics (CNBP) researched biomedical imaging applications and the control of light at the single photon level (discontinued in 2020).
  • The Centre for Future Low-energy Electronics Technologies (FLEET) focuses on low-energy electronics using novel materials, including two-dimensional films and topological insulators (funded until 2024).
  • The Centre for Exciton Science (ACEx) is researching the generation, manipulation and control of excitons in molecular and nanoscale materials for solar energy harvesting, lighting and security (funded until 2024).

Beyond ARC-funded schemes, there are other examples of large-scale investment in research in the quantum computing space in Australia. Microsoft has established a strong presence in quantum information and computing via its StationQ (now Microsoft Quantum) research team led by Professor David Reilly at the University of Sydney (also a member of EQUS). Just down the road, the University of Technology Sydney formed the UTS Centre for Quantum Software and Information in 2016 using a combination of university and ARC funding. Although these efforts are still largely university based, they’re indicative of the worldwide pivot towards the commercialisation of quantum computing technology by universities, governments and the private sector.

Since around 2016, we’ve started to see a nascent corporate and start-up sector in quantum technology grow locally. Yet, compared to the rest of the world, Australia is moving very slowly.

In 2008, Quintessence Labs was the first quantum technology company to emerge from an Australian university—spun out from the Australian National University (ANU) —and focused on commercial technology related to quantum key distribution systems and digital security.

In late 2014, QxBranch was founded as a joint spin-off of Shoal Group and the Tauri Group to focus on data analytics and quantum software.

In 2016, h-bar: Quantum Technology Consultants was formed by researchers at RMIT and UTS to service the rapidly expanding corporate and start-up sector.

In 2017, Q-CTRL was founded out of Sydney University and quickly attracted funding from Main Sequence Ventures (the fund associated with the CSIRO). As of 2020, Q-CTRL has secured more than$30 million in venture capital funding, employs approximately 40 scientists and engineers and has recently formed a partnership with the Seven Sisters collaboration to search for water on the Moon.10

While the figures were modest, given international developments, there was a sizeable boost in Australian Government funding for quantum between 2016 and 2019 (Figure 1). This was dominated by the renewal of EQUS and CQC2T and the establishment of Exciton Science and FLEET, funded until 2024, along with the establishment of Silicon Quantum Computing, a spin-off company of the University of New South Wales-led effort to build a silicon quantum computer, headed by Professor Michelle Simmons.

Figure 1: Estimated cumulative investment in quantum technology within Australia, including ARC centres and the private sector, 2000 to 2020



Source: Australian Research Council funding reports (1999-2019), Silicon Quantum Computing and abl.com.au.

Finally, it’s important to note that not all industry activity in quantum technology originates from academia. For example the Melbourne-based cybersecurity company Senetas, founded in 1999, has announced that it will distribute post-quantum encryption to customers in Australia and New Zealand.

While Australia has been comparatively slow to seize on the most recent quantum ‘boom’, there have been recent efforts to begin a coordinated effort in the National Initiative for Quantum Technology Development. In May 2020, the CSIRO released a report titled Growing Australia’s quantum technology industry. In summarising the current state of quantum technology development in Australia, the report argued that the country could tap potential global revenue of at least $4 billion and create more than 16,000 jobs in the new quantum sector. This is a first step in a national conversation on Australia’s future in quantum tech.

Today: Australia is now behind, as the rest of the world started to race in 2014

The pace of global quantum technology investment accelerated rapidly between 2015 and 2020, and Australia is falling behind. Before 2015, we ranked sixth in sovereign investment among the nine largest economies actively investing in quantum technology.11 Today, we’re last. Investment in the sector by China, the US, France, Germany, the EU as a whole, India and Russia now exceeds Australian investment by a factor of 10–100, even while Australia maintains a strong position in quantum talent.

Multiple nations have announced billion-dollar programs to develop their quantum technology industries. China has flagged over A$13 billion to set up a four-hectare quantum technology centre in Hefei.12 In October 2020, China also announced that quantum technologies would be included in its 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025).13 Japan has stepped up its investment in quantum computing by placing a functional error-corrected computer as one of its six ‘moonshot’ targets in a newly funded A$1.3 billion program.14 Japan was one of the major early investors in quantum technology, but it lost significant ground in the late 2000s and early 2010s because of a lack of confidence within government. If Australia doesn’t move quickly, we could lose the edge that we’ve cultivated since the turn of the century and unlike Japan, might not have the resources or talent to recover.

The Covid-19 crisis has also seen quantum technology emerge as an investment vector for post-pandemic recovery (figures 2 and 3). As part of a major stimulus injection, the German Government announced a A$3.15 billion investment into quantum technologies.15 In January 2021, France announced a five-year A$2.85 billion investment in quantum technologies intended to place it in the top three in the world, together with the US and China.16 Its investment strategy is broad: it includes funding for a universal quantum computer, quantum simulators and sensors, quantum communications, post-quantum cryptography, and support technologies such as cryogenics. The Israeli Government also announced a A$78 million program to build domestic quantum capacity, including the construction of a 30–40 qubit quantum computer through a contract that will be put out to tender later in 2021.17 As recently as April 2021, the Netherlands announced a A$960 million investment from the National Growth Fund to train 2,000 researchers and engineers, fund up to 100 new quantum start-ups and host three corporate R&D labs18.

Figure 2: Sovereign funding increases, 2015 to 2020 (A$ million)



Source: These figures are the same as quoted in footnotes (11-18), 2015 data is from The Economist,online. Please note that for the Netherlands and Canada, data has been used from early 2021 announcements.

Figure 3: Percentage increase in sovereign funding, 2015 to 2020



Source: derived from Figure 2.

The private sector’s involvement in both corporate investment and private equity funding of quantum start-ups has also boomed (Figure 4). Several start-ups in quantum technology are now valued at well over A$1 billion, and shares in at least two quantum tech companies are now publicly traded.19 Australia has again moved comparatively slowly in the start-up space: only one quantum computing hardware start-up and one software start-up have raised significant levels of funding.20 National R&D programs have been used extensively overseas to help incentivise private-sector engagement in quantum technology development, but that hasn’t been mirrored in Australia.

Figure 4: Quantum computing companies before 2015 and in 2020

In each of the recent examples, governments around the world have recognised that quantum science is no longer an academic field of research, but rather a burgeoning new technological industry. The difficulty faced by the Australian quantum industry is the translation of what, until recently, has been a mostly academically focused endeavour into a nascent new commercial sector.

Building a quantum society

Quantum technologies will affect many aspects of our society and economy, including health care, financial services, defence, weather modelling and cybersecurity.

One type of quantum technology—the quantum computer—presents a potentially dazzling range of applications. They include quantum chemistry simulation that will accelerate drug development, improved supply-chain optimisation and supercharged artificial intelligence. These quantum computing applications promise exciting benefits. Yet the history of technology development suggests we can’t simply assume that new tools and systems will automatically be in the public interest.21 We must look ahead to what a quantum society might entail and how the quantum design decisions being made today might affect how we live in the future.

Consider the use of quantum computing to advance machine learning and artificial intelligence (ML/AI). ML/AI technologies are already the subject of ethical frameworks designed to prevent harm and ensure the design of ethical, fair and safe systems.22 Those frameworks are vital, as potential harms could include the reproduction and amplification of existing socio-economic marginalisation and discrimination, and the reduction of personal privacy.

At this time, no ethical framework for quantum technologies exists in Australia, although the CSIRO Quantum Technology Roadmap calls for quantum stakeholders to explore and address social risks.23 As quantum technologies progress, such discussions should build literacy in the societal impacts of quantum technologies. This should be a collaborative effort between quantum physics and social science researchers, industry experts, governments and other public stakeholders, and be led by the proposed office of the minister for critical technologies.

An example of this discussion began at the World Economic Forum in 2020 through the launch of a global quantum security coalition,24 which is working to promote safe and secure quantum technologies. Australia should draw on such initiatives during the creation of a national quantum initiative to ensure the quantum technologies we develop work for the public good. In addition, two new legal organisations launched in 2020—the Australian Society for Computers and Law and the Digital Law Association—have identified quantum as a technology that needs engagement from the legal community in order to draft well-designed standards and regulations.

Quantum researchers and other stakeholders in the emerging quantum tech industry should review the potential impacts of quantum technologies on society.25 Establishing links between Australian publics and quantum researchers may help them in that review. To begin public engagement with quantum technologies, the quantum sector should invest in accessible information on quantum technologies and establish dialogue with Australian publics on a range of applications related to the new technologies. That will clarify societal expectations for the scientific community and policymakers and prompt work to address any concerns raised. Outcomes from these exercises should also inform the national quantum initiative.

Australia’s quantum talent leak

Australia’s long history in quantum technology means that our quantum technologists are high on the priority list for recruitment. Australians are some of the most successful start-up founders and leaders in the quantum industry. However, many are now working outside of Australia. Notable examples include the following:

  • Jeremy O’Brien and Terry Rudolph (UNSW and the University of Queensland) are founders of the photonics-based quantum computing start-up PsiQuantum located in Silicon Valley. They have raised over A$400 million in venture capital to date.
  • Jay Gambetta (Griffith University) is an IBM Fellow and Vice President of Quantum Computing at IBM, where he has spearheaded the massive growth in IBM’s investment in quantum computing.
  • Christian Weedbrook (University of Queensland) is the CEO and founder of Xanadu, an optics-based quantum computing start-up. Now located in Toronto, Xanadu has raised over A$40 million in venture capital funding.
  • Runyao Duan (the founding director of the Centre for Quantum Software and Information at UTS) is now the director of the Quantum Computing Institute at Baidu in Beijing.
  • Min-Hsiu Hsieh (a founding member of the Centre for Quantum Software and Information at UTS) is now the director of the Hon Hai Research Institute for Quantum Information Science (a division of Foxconn) in Taiwan.

Australia must prioritise plugging the quantum industry’s talent leak over the next two years and attracting back the talent that has moved offshore and acquired new expertise. Without a strong quantum computing sector and without significant mechanisms to train and retain highly qualified personnel, the significant investment that Australia has made in such talent will be lost. The uncertainty about H-1B visas in the US—notwithstanding the recent partial lifting by the Biden administration of the 2020 suspension by the Trump administration26—offers an opportunity for Australia to pursue skilled recruitment (in quantum, for example), given our favourable handling of the Covid-19 crisis.

The need to build quantum talent, education and literacy in a post-Covid world

We’re all now familiar with the term ‘digital literacy’: the necessity for the workforce of the 21st century to work with classical computational infrastructure. As quantum technology develops, quantum literacy will become similarly instrumental.

The creation of a talent pipeline of students who can understand and speak the language of quantum technology is a necessity—especially given the explosion of quantum start-ups and corporate teams— and will be strategically critical in the near future as the technology begins to be integrated into global information processing and telecommunications infrastructure.

One promising initiative by the NSW Government, the Sydney Quantum Academy (SQA), brings together the four main research universities in Sydney with strong quantum technology programs. Founded to provide higher degree research training at the masters and PhD levels in a coordinated way between UNSW, Sydney University, UTS and Macquarie University, the SQA is expected to amalgamate a large amount of the teaching and training efforts in quantum technology in the state. With an initial five-year investment from the NSW Government of A$35 million, it’s expected to teach a student cohort of approximately 500 PhD students and is mandated to facilitate outreach and entrepreneurship in the Sydney area—a level of coordination for quantum training that’s never before existed in Australia.27

While the SQA is a promising first step, efforts in providing education and training programs to build quantum literacy should be expanded nationwide. The talent pipeline for a quantum technology industry requires integration with graduate, undergraduate and even high-school programs across disciplines such as physics, engineering, computer science, mathematics and business. Just as digital literacy begins in school and becomes more specialised as a student progresses through university, quantum literacy programs should be similarly designed. The US and the EU are already rapidly accelerating their development of quantum education programs at all levels of education, targeting both domestic and international markets.28

Education and training should be an immediate focus for Australian investment and leadership to market the country as a leading quantum educator. Establishing educational services internationally, especially in the Asia–Pacific region, should also be a high priority.

Notable targets include the Indian and Taiwanese markets. India has indicated an intention to invest A$1.4 billion into quantum technology, but doesn’t have the required domestic expertise to exploit that level of national investment.29 Australia has the potential to provide those services to burgeoning global quantum industries.30

Similarly, Taiwan has indicated that it may more aggressively expand its efforts in quantum technology. Foxconn has established the new Hon Hai Research Institute, which has a dedicated program in quantum computing and there have been rumours that a more concerted government-backed effort may be emerging in Taipei. While the current level of domestic talent in Taiwan is significantly larger than in India, it still represents a market opportunity for Australia to provide training, education and R&D collaboration.

The local quantum talent present in Australia and initial pilot programs31 should be expanded and developed into a federally coordinated effort in which state-level initiatives—such as the SQA—take a strong leading role. It’s expected that states such as Victoria and Queensland will attempt to mirror the SQA model, but a lack of a critical mass of academics outside Sydney will make other state efforts difficult unless more quantum talent is hired or efforts are coordinated across state borders.

Part 2: How quantum technology will shape the world

Quantum will reshape not only technology, but also geopolitical strategy

The race to build quantum technologies is not only one of science and commerce. It’s a race for geopolitical leadership. Attempts to predict the impact of future technology have been notoriously inaccurate. Famous underestimates include the prediction in 1943 by Thomas Watson, then-president of IBM, that ‘there is a world market for maybe five computers.’ Clearly, there was a view that computational power was nothing more than a minor scientific tool or curiosity, when it has instead dictated geopolitical power and economic growth over the past 80 years. With that in mind, we outline three scenarios in which quantum technologies could significantly affect geopolitics.

First, there are immediate consequences for relations between Western allies and China, particularly in quantum education and technology transfer. A US senator recently claimed the US had trained some Chinese nationals to ‘steal our property and design weapons and other devices’, and that ‘they don’t need to learn quantum computing and artificial intelligence from America.’32 The mention of quantum computing wasn’t incidental. The publicity over Chinese government-sponsored quantum technology, starting with the 2017 demonstration of satellite-based quantum communications, hasn’t gone unnoticed by policymakers in Washington.33

The US Department of Energy has requested a 2021 budget that includes A$56 million to accelerate the development of the quantum internet34 on the back of a 2021 budget request, initially by the Trump administration, of A$312 million for quantum technologies.35 That complements the A$1.6 billion quantum investment signed into law in 2018.36 Xi Jinping’s government is spending A$13 billion on China’s National Laboratory for Quantum Information Sciences.37 In recognition of the national security implications of this technology, Australia has already identified ‘quantum cryptography’ and ‘high performance quantum computers’ as controlled technologies in the Defence and Strategic Goods List.38

Second, there’s potential for quantum technology to tip the balance between regional powers. Some possible scenarios include the following:

  • In early 2020, India committed A$1.4 billion for quantum computing research over five years.39 Access to enhanced imaging provided through satellite-based quantum sensing and enhanced image processing could enable the identification of underground nuclear installations in neighbouring Pakistan.
  • Conflict-ridden areas of the Middle East have experienced periods in which even vastly outnumbered insurgents have been able to maintain strategic footholds using improvised explosive devices (IEDs). While IEDs are relatively cheap to produce, technology to respond to counter-IED tools evolves quickly. Quantum technology could benefit either side. For example, extremely precise quantum magnetometers can detect large mobile metal equipment as targets or detect IEDs themselves, and photonic chips could operate even in the presence of an electromagnetic pulse that would knock out conventional electronics.
  • China’s Belt and Road Initiative, launched in 2014, had signed up about 65 countries, including 20 from Africa, by 2019.40 Many of its key projects are being financed by mined minerals from sub-Saharan Africa. Quantum gravimeters could significantly improve the accuracy of drilling by sensing density fluctuations that indicate oil and mineral deposits with a precision not possible with classical devices. Increasing access and raw material yields in nations within China’s sphere of influence could reduce demand for Australian exports.

Finally, quantum tech will disrupt digital economies. Cryptocurrencies are being used increasingly by institutional and private investors and have a current market value of over A$2 trillion. One significant threat to cryptocurrencies is from quantum computer attacks on the digital signatures used to secure transactions between untrusted parties. That would allow a malicious agent to steal crypto tokens like bitcoin undetected. In fact, up to one-third of all bitcoin, worth hundreds of billions of dollars, is estimated to be vulnerable to such theft.41 This type of threat, whether realised or not, has the potential to undermine confidence in all contemporary blockchain-based systems. The solution is to use so-called post-quantum cryptography that’s thought to be immune to attack using quantum technology. That technology is already used by some cryptocurrencies, such as HyperCash and Quantum Resistant Ledger.42 It will be a matter of economic security to frequently test and verify that coming post quantum cryptographic standards are met.

Quantum’s role in national security, defence and intelligence

The defence and intelligence implications of quantum technology can be broken down into several categories, depending on the underlying technology: quantum computing, quantum communications and quantum sensing.

1. Quantum computation

The increased power of quantum computing affects a wide range of national security applications, from materials science to logistics, but the most direct application of interest to the defence and intelligence community is in cryptography. Quantum computers applying artificial intelligence to enormous datasets at speeds that create strategic and operational advantage have direct impact in the field for two key reasons:

  • The entire security backbone of the internet is built using encryption that’s vulnerable to quantum computing. That includes everything from internet banking to the domain name system security certificates that are used to verify whether ‘google.com’ is really Google.com, instead of a hacker. The development of a quantum computer without changing the current encryption standards that underpin the entire classical internet would be catastrophic to network security.
  • While a quantum computer able to break this type of encryption won’t be around for at least a decade or two, a large amount of encrypted information crossing networks, some of which is being intercepted by malicious actors, needs long-term security. Medical records, client data held by insurance companies and nuclear weapons stockpile information are just some examples. While hackers might not have the ability to break encryption today, saved copies of encrypted data could quickly be decrypted when quantum computers become available. To prepare for that scenario, policymakers, businesses and researchers need to consider three key questions:
    1. For how many years does the encryption need to be secure, if it’s assumed data is intercepted and stored?
    2. How many years will it take to make our IT infrastructure safe against quantum attacks?
    3. How many years will it be before a quantum computer of sufficient power to break encryption protocols is built?

As anticipated by many, the first realisation of quantum computing technology has occurred in the cloud, as users log onto dedicated hardware over the classical internet. These types of ‘quantum in the cloud’ systems began with the connection of a two-qubit photonic chip to the classical internet by the University of Bristol in 201343 and accelerated significantly in 2016 with IBM’s introduction of its Quantum Experience platform. We now see both free and paid services offered by IBM, Microsoft, Amazon, Xanadu and Rigetti using a variety of hardware modalities for small-scale quantum computing chipsets with capacities of up to 65 physical qubits. This has spurred the so-called noisy intermediate-scale quantum (NISQ) field of algorithm and hardware research.44 However, we’ve only just begun to understand how these machines will be constructed and used, and their technological development is continuing to accelerate.

For a detailed explanation of quantum computing threats to cryptographic systems, see Appendix 1 on page 24.

Quantum communications platforms

Quantum technology has progressed rapidly in recent years and will have a significant impact on communication technology. The largest investment in quantum communications technology is currently being made by the Chinese Government.45

China has two major quantum networking initiatives geared towards building a quantum key distribution (QKD) infrastructure46—a technology that solves some of the security problems, discussed above, that quantum computing creates for public-key cryptography.

The first program in the Quantum Experiments at Space Scale (QUESS) program culminated in the 2016 launch of China’s Micius platform, which was a proof-of-concept platform that allowed for the distribution of entangled pairs of photons to elevated telescopic ground stations separated by thousands of kilometres. The QUESS program is designed to use a potential constellation of quantum-enabled satellites. It will provide secure cryptographic keys between multiple ground stations to secure classical communications channels using strong symmetric encryption, with keys provided by a quantum backbone network. The exact amount of funding for the QUESS program is currently unclear; however, based on a 651 kilogram payload and estimates of prices for commercial launches into low Earth orbit at that time, the cost of this technology demonstrator could easily approach A$100 million.47

The QUESS program is part of a broader quantum communications effort in China. A second major component is the Beijing-to-Shanghai optical QKD link. This is a 32-node optic-fibre-based link that’s built along the high-speed train line between the two cities, in which each node is located in secure facilities at particular stations.

These two technology demonstrators have recently been amalgamated into a national QKD network, combining more than 700 optical fibres on the ground with two ground-to-satellite links to achieve QKD over a total distance of 4,600 kilometres for users across China.48 That level of investment and technology deployment is significantly more advanced than in any other nation that’s building quantum communications systems.

Other countries have instituted similar programs or are planning to do so. For instance, a government-funded quantum repeater network is to be built between four cities in the Netherlands. There’s also a A$410 million program authorised in the US for the initial development of technology for a future US quantum internet.49 There are even discussions within Australia about a space-based quantum communications centre of excellence in collaboration with the Australian Space Agency. However, Australia is significantly behind China in technological development and it isn’t clear, from a scientific and technical perspective, whether replicating what China has done is the most appropriate way to proceed.

For a more detailed explanation of the major quantum communications systems being deployed worldwide, see Appendix 2 on page 29.

3. Quantum sensing and its applications for the resources sector and defence

Quantum sensing is seen as one of the three main pillars of quantum technology development, along with quantum computing and quantum communication systems. Applications that provide positioning, navigation and timing could potentially benefit from quantum effects, especially when combined with a quantum communications network. Quantum sensing may be the first technological application to be widely adopted in markets.

Three types of quantum sensors have direct applications in multiple sectors, including mining and defence:

  • Quantum sensors to detect magnetic fields with high precision (magnetometry): In principle, this can be used for the undersea detection of magnetically discernible materials. The most promising candidates in this area are diamond-based quantum sensors, and significant effort at Melbourne University, Macquarie University and the ANU is focused on developing that technology.
  • Increased timing precision (atomic clocks): The GPS and inertial guidance positioning, navigation and timing are intricately linked to precise clocks. While atomic clocks have been commercialised for more than 30 years, the ability to miniaturise and package atomic clocks based on technology such as ion traps may be instrumental in even wider adoption.
  • Quantum sensors for ultra high precision measurement of gravitational fields (gravitrometry): By measuring small deviations in ‘little g’ (the acceleration due to the Earth’s gravitational field), we can possibly detect anomalous underground structures, which could be hidden subterranean bases or large oil and mineral reserves.

None of those platforms requires the hardware resources needed for quantum computing or communications systems, so they’re comparatively easier to build and test. However, their superiority over highly precise classical systems isn’t as well understood, so they’ll need to show a competitive advantage in both price and portability before they’re adopted at scale.

The UK, the EU, the US and Canada all have extensive research programs in the quantum sensing space as well as numerous start-ups. In Australia, sensing is most likely to find markets within the minerals sector.

Part 3: What we need to do

Drivers for action: Time for strategic investments

The world is racing to develop quantum technology for business as well as for security and defence. It’s now a crucial moment. Australia reacted exceptionally well in the late 1990s and early 2000s as quantum technology became a substantial area of research within academic physics, computer science and engineering departments. The investment in ARC fellowships, special research centres and centres of excellence tied to quantum computing and related technologies ensured that we were at the forefront of development during the 2000s and early 2010s. Yet, in the years since, there’s been no acceleration of national funding for quantum technology. Consequently, there’s been little movement from the private sector to get involved in the field.

Australia doesn’t have the capital needed to build a complete R&D infrastructure and manufacturing base to control a large share of the future quantum technology market. However, that shouldn’t stop us making strategic moves to become a major player in some of the more lucrative aspects of this new industry. We already possess the technical know-how to invent, develop and prototype some of the critical components needed for large-scale quantum technologies. We can also set up companies, research centres or even government-backed entities to build up large intellectual property portfolios across a variety of physical hardware platforms.

Australia has a significant level of expertise in software and hardware and could develop and manufacture critical components domestically. Of the major hardware systems for large-scale quantum computing, Australia has a near-monopoly on the most advanced technology for silicon (CQC2T and its spin-off company, Silicon Quantum Computing). We were also the pioneers and maintain a very high level of hardware expertise in optical quantum computing platforms, and we have significant capacity in diamond-based systems.

While Australia has the talent and ideas, there’s no mechanism to focus that capacity for the benefit of the Australian quantum technology sector. We can no longer rely solely on academia to lead our approach to quantum technology. Private-sector investment must be boosted. As we’ve seen in the US and the EU, investment comes when the private sector sees the establishment of strong, technology-focused initiatives. Arguably, large quantum efforts at companies such as Microsoft and IBM exist, in part, because those companies were corporate partners in US defence and intelligence funding set up by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency and the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity in the 2000s and early 2010s.

In August 2020, for example, the US launched its national quantum research centres as part of its National Quantum Initiative. This should be a particular motivator for Australia, and particularly the Australia–US alliance, as it provides an opportunity for enhanced engagement and cooperation. Five new research centres focused on computing, communications, sensing and simulation have been established and funded to the tune of A$150 million. The centres build in major collaborations between US national labs, universities and, most importantly, quantum technology companies. The level of private–public engagement involved in the research centres is something that Australia needs to replicate.

While world-leading R&D is occurring in Australia, when it benefits private-sector interests, it benefits offshore quantum computing programs. That doesn’t happen in other nations. In the US, for example, Amazon has made a multimillion-dollar investment to set up Amazon Web Services’ quantum division in collaboration with Caltech in California. Likewise, partnerships with IBM link university research centres and other corporations interested in quantum technology, such as Goldman Sachs, and multi-institutional collaborations are taking advantage of funding incentives made available through the National Quantum Initiative. Such incentives don’t currently exist in Australia, and we’re being crowded out of the private–public collaborative space that’s taking shape.

Australia requires a strategic investment in dedicated research programs that are focused on technology development (unlike the centres of excellence, which mainly have a remit for basic research) to remain relevant on the global stage. This could take the form of a dedicated centre or program for the development of a small-to intermediate-scale quantum computer using optical systems or diamond technology that Australia has significant experience with, or it could be a major initiative to develop key quantum software components.50 If done correctly, that could reassert a level of Australian leadership in the quantum technology sector that has degraded over the past decade. An initial $3–4 billion national quantum strategy will be needed over the next five years to ensure that Australia can benefit from this new technological revolution.

Policy recommendations

1. A new minister

At the earliest opportunity, the Prime Minister should appoint a dedicated and ongoing minister for critical and emerging technologies (this position could also inherit ‘cyber’). This minister’s focus should be technology, rather than ‘technology’ being added to a longer list of portfolio topics. This should be a whole-of-government role with the Minister working across the economic, national security, industry, education, defence, research and science agencies in the public service. The minister would play a key role in the implementation of many of the policy recommendations made here.

2. A national technology strategy

The government should move quickly this year to initiate a whole-of-government technology strategy process led by PM&C, of which quantum should form a key part. By authorising PM&C to lead this initiative, this strategy necessarily recognises that there is no one lens through which to view technology and that its emergence and deployment will impact everything, including our society, the economy and industry, national security and human rights. This strategy should include consideration of appropriate ethical frameworks for critical and emerging technologies such as quantum. PM&C should work closely with other parts of government including the DISER, Office of the Chief Scientist, Defence, Home Affairs, DFAT, CSIRO, the Office of National Intelligence, the Australian Signals Directorate as well as the research and civil society community and the private sector. The new minister for critical and emerging technologies would be responsible for delivering the strategy to the Australian public by 2022.

3. Expand and elevate PM&C’s whole-of-government leadership role on technology policy

There is positive momentum in government and growing knowledge on critical and emerging technologies (like quantum) in departments such as Defence, DISER, CSIRO and PM&C. However, there’s currently no clear government lead on ‘technology’, and that lack of leadership and coordination is preventing policy progress. Critical and emerging technologies present a myriad of opportunities, challenges and threats, and PM&C is the only department with the whole-of-government perspective to balance them in our economy, society and national security. The relatively new but small Critical Technologies Policy Coordination Office in PM&C—the creation of which was a welcome move by the government—should be immediately expanded and elevated to become the National Coordinator for Technology.

The expanded division should work with Australia’s new minister for critical and emerging technologies to support the delivery of the recommended national technology strategy.

Within the new PM&C division in 2021, small offices focusing on key critical technology areas should be created. Quantum technology should be the first such office developed, and other small offices could be built to focus on biotechnology51 and artificial intelligence, for example. A useful model for such appointments is the Assistant Director for Quantum Information Science at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy in the US.

The government should search for individuals to lead these offices who can serve as catalysts, working across government (including with the military and intelligence agencies), business, the research sector and internationally, to deliver a post-Covid-19 technology stimulus and build a pipeline of focus, policy and investment that should last decades. These leaders will need to engage globally and strengthen relationships with our key partners in the Indo-Pacific and work across key groupings such as the Quad (US, India, Japan, Australia). Investments in quantum technology, for example, require careful consideration of our interdependence with our strategic allies, which we’re currently well placed to cooperate with and piggyback on, and of our likely adversaries.

4. A$15 billion post-Covid-19 technology stimulus

The Australian Government should immediately lay the groundwork for a multi-year $15 billion post-Covid-19 technology stimulus that would also be informed by the delivery of a new national technology strategy. This stimulus should include a $3-4 billion investment in quantum technologies. The stimulus would be a game-changer for Australia and help the country diversify and deepen its technological and R&D base. It would also exploit our disproportionate concentration of world-class quantum technology expertise, ensuring the long-term growth and maintenance of this vital technological sector. The following recommendations describe what this stimulus could look like from a purely quantum perspective.

5. Establish an ‘Australian distributed quantum zone’

A national quantum R&D initiative should be a key part of the government’s post-Covid-19 technology stimulus. This could be established with a multibillion-dollar national funding initiative that would leverage the seed investments Australia has already made over the past 30 years. This initiative could be akin to a special economic zone—a place for quantum-related economic activity that wouldn’t sit with one city or state but instead be distributed nationally across universities and research institutes. The Melbourne Biomedical Precinct provides an attractive blueprint for the development of such a national initiative.52 Given the diversity of expertise and capabilities across the country, a distributed quantum zone not tied to a capital city or state is preferable.

The commercialisation of university-developed intellectual property is currently a major roadblock in building a quantum ecosystem in Australia beyond university research. Researchers are often actively disincentivised from spinning out academic research into new start-ups because of the administrative overhead in extracting relevant intellectual property. Universities should be encouraged to ensure that they foster collaboration, entrepreneurship and commercialisation in the quantum space. The newly announced A$5.8 million University Research Commercialisation Scheme scoping study should be encouraged to address the commercialisation of quantum technology.

6. Lure Australian talent back home and attract foreign talent

Australia’s favourable handling of Covid-19 presents a unique opportunity to attract new technology talent as well as to lure back Australians currently running quantum programs in other countries. This could involve increasing the accessibility, scope and clarity of R&D tax incentives, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises and further expansions and tweaks to the government’s ‘Global Talent Independent Program’, including for example, lowering the expected salary requirements below A$153,600/year.53

7. Build global cooperation and increase direct involvement in quantum development by the defence and intelligence communities

The Australian defence and intelligence communities, when compared to their counterparts in the Five Eyes alliance, are disengaged from the quantum technology community.

The Chief Scientist (Cathy Foley) and the Chief Defence Scientist (Tanya Monro) have strong backgrounds in quantum. Their expertise should be immediately tapped to create a quantum defence and intelligence working group, connecting stakeholders within government to the quantum technology community in order to identify key national security priorities that can benefit from quantum technology.

Australia should focus quantum technology work related to national security and defence through a formal partnership with the US, using the precedent of cooperation in other areas of science and technology. The national security and defence implications of quantum technology are clear enough to make this area of development a new core element of the Australia–US alliance. Formalising this partnership, in a similar manner to the US–Japan Tokyo statement on quantum cooperation,54 will also enable academic and industry contributions to contribute to and draw from the partnership. We support the similar policy recommendation in ASPI’s defence-focused report, The impact of quantum technologies on secure communications, which argues for the formalisation and prioritisation of Australia–US cooperation on quantum technology.55

Quantum experts should be encouraged and aided to gain the security clearances needed to be read into programs that may benefit from quantum technology. This should occur initially in an advisory context, but expand as projects are identified.

8. Eliminate uncertainty by developing a national framework outlining national security and defence policy covering quantum technology

The explosion of investment around the world and the unique expertise that Australia has open up tremendous opportunities for incoming investment from overseas. However, both the private sector and Australian research centres are in many cases timid or hostile to such partnerships due to the expected nature of a future national policy covering technology transfer in the quantum space. There are already examples of multimillion-dollar deals that have been rejected at the university level because of perceived future problems with export controls and their ability to work with certain nations, which isn’t yet enshrined in any articulated policy. This uncertainty needs to be rectified as soon as possible. This new national framework should involve the Department of Defence and other parts of government who work on export controls.

9. Expand the role of education and training within Australia

The coordinated national quantum initiative should include establishing major training hubs for quantum technology in Australia, which will assist the university sector in its post-Covid-19 recovery. This would also help build quantum literacy in Australia and throughout the Indo-Pacific region.

  • Establish a national quantum academy: The Sydney Quantum Academy is the first step in this direction, and it ought to be expanded to a tightly integrated national quantum academy, providing education and training at all levels to service future demand for quantum technology intellectual capital, both domestically and globally.
  • Build initial education and training partnerships abroad: With a particular focus on the Indian and Taiwanese markets, establish bilateral partnerships with their emerging quantum sectors and build domestic talent, research expertise and collaboration with the Australian quantum sector.
  • Enter the school sector, building quantum literacy: Initiate a pilot program that brings together stakeholders from state and federal departments of education, school teachers, students and members of the Australian quantum community to create entry-level educational material that introduces core concepts taught in high-school physics, chemistry, mathematics and computer science through the lens of quantum technology.

Appendix 1: Quantum computing threats to cryptographic systems

In broad terms, there are two types of classical cryptosystem that are commonly used throughout the world for a variety of applications: symmetric-key cryptosystems and public-key (or asymmetric) cryptosystems.

The most commonly known example is one-time pad symmetric encryption. One-time pads are provably secure against any attack (quantum or classical) if implemented perfectly: a caveat that’s arguably impossible to meet practically and economically. Symmetric-key cryptosystems use the same key to both encrypt and decrypt data. This offers the advantage of more secure message transmission but suffers from the downside of how to distribute keys to both the sender and receiver in a secure manner. For symmetric-key cryptosystems, there are secure protocols against quantum attacks.

Public-key cryptosystems use two separate keys that are mathematically related. One is used for encryption and one for decryption. One of the keys is publicly advertised (for example, a PGP or ‘pretty good privacy’ key, that some people attach to their email signature), while the other needs to remain completely secret and secure. Public-key cryptosystems are used for the vast majority of encrypted traffic traversing publicly accessible channels, such as the global internet, Wi-Fi, Bluetooth and microwave transmissions. While all public-key cryptosystems work on the same mathematical principles, the most well-known example is the RSA cryptosystem, in which security is based on the difficulty in factoring large composite numbers.

For factoring, the state of the art in classical algorithms remains the general number field sieve. Figure A1 (below) shows the year in which various bit-sizes (L) for the RSA cryptosystem were factored as part of the RSA challenge and an estimate of the computational time needed to factor a specific L-bit number using the scaling of the number field sieve for 100 PCs in 2003 and 2018. Once L becomes bigger than about 1,000, the time needed to complete the computation becomes prohibitively long. Currently, for online encryption, an L of 2,048 is commonplace.

Peter Shor, a professor in applied mathematics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, completely changed the discussion by showing that a hypothetical (as it was in 1994) quantum computer allowed for a computationally efficient solution to factoring. Finding an efficient quantum algorithm to solve the foundational problems underpinning public-key cryptography opens up an irreconcilable security flaw in these protocols. Regardless of whether you think it will ever be practical to build a quantum computer, the fact that this fundamental mathematical result exists is a significant problem: any cryptosystem can’t have such a flaw even in theory, as this result underpins everything else.

The existence of an efficient algorithm for factoring adds a new curve to the scaling figures. Figure A1 illustrates the importance of the concept of computational complexity or algorithmic scaling. The new curve takes the scaling of Shor’s factoring algorithm and overlays the time to break the RSA. As Shor’s algorithm is a polynomial algorithm, computational times increase more slowly as the key length increases, compared to the classical number field sieve. Consequently, even key lengths of 10,000 bits or more are factorable in acceptable time frames using quantum computers of moderate to fast physical speed.

The existence of a quantum computer makes public-key protocols such as RSA insecure, as simply increasing key sizes can be easily overcome by a commensurate increase in quantum computing capability.

A potentially more immediate threat is posed by quantum attacks on digital signatures. A digital signature is like an electronic fingerprint appended to data, which proves to the receiver that a document was sent by the signer. It can be done in a completely public manner over the internet. Such signatures are routinely used for financial transactions and have a broad use case for blockchain-enabled technologies such as smart contracts for insurance and cryptocurrency trading. The signature is secured using trusted algorithms such as elliptic-curve cryptography, which make forging by stealing the sender’s private key exponentially hard for classical computers. However, due to another quantum algorithm discovered by Peter Shor for calculating discrete logs, quantum computers can quickly hack the message to learn the private key. Such an attack is in fact easier for quantum computers than breaking RSA cryptography, and could be possible within 15 years using around 1 million qubits.56

While the theoretical nature of Shor’s algorithm poses a security problem for public-key cryptography in a world where quantum computers exist, there’s still the practical question of when such machines of sufficient size to threaten current public-key cryptosystems can be built. Errors in quantum computing systems (due to both fabrication and control imperfections) require the use of extensive error correction, which requires more and more physical qubits within the chipset.

While there’s been remarkable progress both from the theoretical perspective (resource costs for Shor’s algorithm have dropped by a factor of nearly 1,000 since 2012) and from an experimental perspective (qubit chipsets of approximately 50 qubits with error rates of less than 1% are now possible), there’s still a long way to go before a machine of sufficient size to break public-key cryptosystems will be available on any hardware platform.

The current state of quantum computing systems

Blueprints for large-scale quantum computing systems were developed only in the late 2010s, and the current estimate of the resources needed for a fully error-corrected implementation of Shor’s factoring algorithm to break RSA-2048 is approximately 20 million superconducting qubits over a computational time of approximately eight hours. This assumes:

  • reliable gate error rates for each qubit of 0.1% (this should be achievable in experimental systems in the next 3–5 years)
  • significant ability to mass manufacture cheap qubits
  • the solution of several major engineering and infrastructure challenges to allow for chip sizes of the order of tens of millions of qubits.

The data that has been presented shows the current state-of-the-art knowledge in the theoretical and experimental space for implementing cryptographic-related protocols on quantum computing systems, but the future is open to speculation. We’ve focused specifically on Shor’s algorithm as it has been the most well-studied and optimised large-scale algorithm of interest to the non-scientific community. It should be noted that shorter timelines are certainly possible, particularly in the case of a quantum-assisted side channel attack. That is, one taking advantage of leaked information in cryptographic transactions, which would require fewer quantum resources than a full-blown Shor attack.

Certainly, quantum system developers are attempting to replicate a type of Moore’s law for quantum computing, doubling power every 18–24 months, but it’s unclear whether that will eventuate. Consequently, when classical cryptosystems will come under threat from quantum computers is subject to debate; that is, we don’t yet know when we’ll be able to close the gap between the requirements of breaking RSA-2048 and the size and quality of the chipsets than can be built in the laboratory.

The direct simulation of quantum mechanical systems for use in bioscience, material science and other fields has also been studied in depth. However, the size of a physical machine to provide unambiguous quantum advantage in these spaces is often larger than that of a useful factoring machine.57

At the smaller scale, corporations marketing new NISQ-based quantum cloud systems have been aggressive in soliciting the Australian quantum community and other markets in adopting access packages for those systems. This has included the establishment of the University of Melbourne’s IBMQ Hub in 2017 to coordinate access to IBM hardware in Australia.58 The accessibility of these services in Australia and access by Australian researchers will be a critical tool for quantum computing R&D into the future, but we should remain cautious to ensure that diversification in online providers is maintained and that we use these tools to augment Australian R&D efforts, rather than substituting the use of subscription services offered by international corporates for building sovereign capacity in the quantum space.

Figure A1: Estimated times required for RSA factoring on quantum and classical hardware



Source: R. Van Meter, PhD thesis, online, online.

Figure A2: Physical error rates required in quantum hardware to implement Shor’s algorithm without active quantum error correction. Insert: historical decreases in qubit error rates from 1996 to 2020.

Figure A3: Decrease in qubit resources for Shor’s algorithm between 2011 and 2020.



Source, online, online.

Figure A4: Historical demonstration of small qubit chip-sets in four major quantum hardware platforms.



Source, online.

Appendix 2: The status of quantum communications

Quantum communication systems, like their classical counterparts, use several types of hardware. The major ones being developed and deployed worldwide are as follows:

  • Quantum repeater systems: Unlike classical fibre optics, quantum states can’t be copied. Consequently, overcoming losses in fibre optics requires the use of what are effectively mini-quantum computers to relay quantum information at regular intervals across the link.
  • Quantum free space systems: Developed primarily by researchers in Austria, with prototype systems deployed in the Canary Islands, free space quantum systems work by beaming a particle stream of photons (light particles) from source to receiver using a direct line of sight. Developed as a precursor to quantum satellite systems, free space quantum transmission isn’t as aggressively pursued as it once was and might be useful only for ‘last mile’ type applications in quantum communications.
  • Quantum satellites: These systems are now the favourite for multiple nations and research groups. Spearheaded by the Chinese Micius platform, launched in 2014, quantum satellites beam either a single particle stream of photons (or a pair of entangled particle streams) to ground stations that can be separated by thousands of kilometres. This platform holds the record for longest distance quantum communications protocols.
  • Quantum memory units (sneakernet): A new model that’s still only theoretical, quantum memory units use the classical principle of sneakernet communications (physically transporting hard drives from point A to point B to achieve a communications link) but overcome the biggest downside of classical sneakernets: long latency times in information transport. Built using the same underlying technology as quantum computers.

The requirements of a quantum communication system are highly dependent on the desired application. The constraints that hardware must satisfy for quantum secured authentication tokens or the distribution of quantum secured keys for symmetric cryptosystems are different from those of a global quantum internet that connects quantum computing systems for distributed computation or blind server/client-based quantum computing. The tendency for people to conflate applications and speak of a quantum key distribution system in the same breath as a quantum internet doesn’t reflect the reality of what applications require and what current quantum communications hardware can do.


Acknowledgements

Thank you to Danielle Cave for all of her work on this project. Thank you also to all of those who peer reviewed this work and provided valuable feedback including Dr Lesley Seebeck, Lachlan Craigie, David Masters, Fergus Hanson, Ariel Bogle, Michael Shoebridge, Rebecca Coates, David Douglas and Justine Lacey. Finally, we are grateful for the valuable feedback we received from anonymous peer reviewers who work in the fields of quantum academia and policy. ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre receives funding from a variety of sources including sponsorship, research and project support from across governments, industry and civil society. No specific funding was received to fund the production of this report.

Important disclaimer: This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in relation to the subject matter covered. It is provided with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering any form of professional or other advice or services. No person should rely on the contents of this publication without first obtaining advice from a qualified professional.

© The Australian Strategic Policy Institute Limited 2021

This publication is subject to copyright. Except as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of it may in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, microcopying, photocopying, recording or otherwise) be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted without prior written permission. Enquiries should be addressed to the publishers. Notwithstanding the above, educational institutions (including schools, independent colleges, universities and TAFEs) are granted permission to make copies of copyrighted works strictly for educational purposes without explicit permission from ASPI and free of charge.


First published May 2021. ISSN 2209-9689 (online), ISSN 2209-9670 (print).

Funding Statement: No specific sponsorship was received to fund production of this report.

  1. US$180 billion of Biden’s US$2 trillion infrastructure plan is earmarked for technologies of the future like quantum computing. See Martin Giles, Forbes, 1 April 2021, online. ↩︎
  2. ‘AI, quantum R&D funding to remain a priority under Biden’, Wall Street Journal, 9 November 2020, online. ↩︎
  3. ‘Fact sheet: President Biden takes executive actions to tackle the climate crisis at home and abroad, create jobs, and restore scientific integrity across federal government’, The White House, 27 January 2021, online. ↩︎
  4. This technology stimulus would of course be spread over multiple years. ↩︎
  5. See Germany’s June 2020 €50 billion ‘future-focused’ technology stimulus for an example of how other countries have managed and deployed such technology-focused investments: Eanna Kelly, ‘Germany unveils €50B stimulus for “future-focused” technologies’, Science Business, 4 June 2020, online. ↩︎
  6. Ben Packham, ‘PM’s department developing list of research, technology to shield from foreign interests’, The Australian, 12 March 2021, online. ↩︎
  7. See John S Mattick, Biodata and biotechnology: opportunity and challenges for Australia, ASPI, Canberra, 27 August 2020, online. ↩︎
  8. MRI = Magnetic resonance imaging. ↩︎
  9. Qubit = A Quantum Bit (Qubit) is the fundamental element of quantum information. Analogous to classical bits, a qubit is formed from two-level quantum mechanical systems such as the spin state of an electron or the polarisation state of a single particle of light—a photon. ↩︎

Stronger Together: US force posture in Australia’s north—a US perspective on Australia’s strategic geography

Stronger together: US force posture in Australia’s north—a US perspective on Australia’s strategic geography

This report argues why, and analyses how, Australia’s defence force capabilities and strategic geography can enable US force posture initiatives in the Indo-Pacific to promote greater regional cooperation in ways that advance US and Australian national interests.

Lieutenant Colonel Hanks writes that there are ‘practical and tangible areas for US-Australia cooperation and growth which include: 1) expanding the Australian defence industrial base while securing and hardening supply chains; 2) increasing US Army force posture in northern Australia; 3) increasing multinational training opportunities; and 4) in conjunction with Australia, expanding the defence partnership with Indonesia.’ ‘The US now relies on increased cooperation from partners and allies to regain the initiative from the PRC in the Indo-Pacific. Australia’s defence strategy and policies are better aligned with US defence strategy and policies today, than ever before.’

The report argues that military modernization alone will not effectively expand the competitive space and disrupt PRC grey-zone decision cycles. Thinking asymmetrically, Australia can use its strategic geography and defence capabilities to enable US force posture initiatives in the Indo-Pacific to promote greater regional cooperation and, through greater deterrent posture and capability, reduce the risk of conflict.

Family De-planning: The Coercive Campaign to Drive Down Indigenous Birth-rates in Xinjiang

In this report, we provide new evidence documenting the effectiveness of the Chinese government’s systematic efforts to reduce the size of the indigenous population of Xinjiang through a range of coercive birth-control policies.
 
Using the Chinese government’s own publicly available statistics, we have compiled a dataset of county-level birth-rates (natality) across 2011-2019. We then marshal this data to analyse trends across nationalities and spatial regions in Xinjiang, before and after the 2016 crackdown, and comparatively with other countries as recorded in the UN population dataset. Finally, we place these statistics in context through our analysis of county-level implementation documents and other official Chinese language sources which have been previously overlooked.
  
In 1979, Deng Xiaoping launched the “one child policy” and created a complex set of bureaucratic institutions and practices for controlling population growth. Party officials rather than women would decide what they did with their bodies.
 
The one-child policy has seen a dramatic drop in China’s fertility rate and unleashed new concerns about a looming demographic crisis. Yet the instinct to control remains. As Party officials are loosening family-planning rules on Han women, they are simultaneously cracking down on the reproductive rights of Uyghur and other indigenous nationalities in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) over perceived fears of instability and uneven growth.
 
In the name of stability and control, the CCP under President Xi Jinping is seeking to fundamentally transform the social and physical landscape of Xinjiang. This includes the construction of hundreds of prison-like detention centres and the mass internment of Uyghurs, Kazakh and other indigenous nationalities; a regime of highly intrusive and near constant surveillance; the erasure of indigenous culture, language and religious practices and sites; and mandatory job assignments that are indicative of forced labour; among other now well-documented human rights abuses.
 

Key Findings

Beginning in April 2017, Chinese Communist Party authorities in Xinjiang launched a series of “strike-hard” campaigns against “illegal births” with the explicit aim to “reduce and stabilise a moderate birth level” and decrease the birth-rate in southern Xinjiang by at least 4.00 per thousand from 2016 levels. This followed years of preferential exceptions from family-planning rules for indigenous nationalities.
 
The crackdown has led to an unprecedented and precipitous drop in official birth-rates in Xinjiang since 2017. The birth-rate across the region fell by nearly half (48.74 percent) in the two years between 2017 and 2019.
 
The largest declines have been in counties where Uyghurs and other indigenous communities are concentrated. Across counties that are majority-indigenous the birth-rate fell, on average, by 43.7 percent in a single year between 2017 and 2018. The birth-rate in counties with a 90 percent or greater indigenous population declined by 56.5 percent, on average, in that same year.
 
In 2017, the Chinese government’s approach to birth control among minority nationalities shifted from “reward and encourage” towards a more coercive and intrusive policing of reproduction processes. Hefty fines, disciplinary punishment, extrajudicial internment, or the threat of internment were introduced for any “illegal births.” Family-planning officials in Xinjiang were told to carry out “early detection and early disposal of pregnant women found in violation of policy.”
 
While the Chinese government argues it has adopted a uniform family-planning policy in Xinjiang, the county-level natality data suggests these policies are disproportionately affecting areas with a large indigenous population, meaning their application is discriminatory and applied with the intent of reducing the birth-rate of Uyghurs and other religious and ethnic minorities. This policy also stands in stark contrast to the loosening of birth control restrictions elsewhere in China.
 
Policy implementation documents from Xinjiang explicitly set birth-rate targets that are among the lowest in the world, and the birth-rate has declined from a rate similar to those in neighbouring countries such as Mongolia or Kazakhstan to only slightly higher than that of Japan, where the low birth-rate is seen as a “national crisis.” 
 
The sharp drop in birth-rates in Xinjiang (a region with a population of nearly 25 million) is proportionally the most extreme over a two-year period globally since 1950. Despite notable contextual differences, this decline in birth-rate is more than double the rate of decline in Cambodia at the height of the Khmer Rouge genocide (1975-79).
 
The 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, to which China is a signatory, prohibits states from “imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group,” as an aspect of the physical element to genocide. Our analysis builds on previous work and provides compelling evidence that Chinese government policies in Xinjiang may constitute an act of genocide; however further research is required to establish the intent and mental element of this crime. We call for the Chinese government to give researchers, journalists and human rights experts full and open access to Xinjiang.

Download full report

Readers are encouraged to download the report to access our full findings.


Acknowledgements

We would like to thank our external peer reviewers, Dr Timothy Grose, Dr Adrian Zenz, Dr Stanley Toops, and Peter Mattis, for their comments and helpful suggestions. Darren Byler, Timothy Grose and Vicky Xu also generously shared with us a range of primary source materials. We’re also grateful for the comments and assistance provided within ASPI by Michael Shoebridge, Fergus Hanson, Danielle Cave, Kelsey Munro and Samantha Hoffman and for crucial research assistance from Tilla Hoja and Daria Impiombato. This research report forms part of the Xinjiang Data Project, which brings together rigorous empirical research on the human rights situation of Uyghurs and other non-Han nationalities in the XUAR. It focuses on a core set of topics, including mass internment camps; surveillance and emerging technologies; forced labour and supply chains; the CCP’s “re-education” campaign and deliberate cultural destruction and other human rights issues.

The Xinjiang Data Project is produced by researchers at ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) in partnership with a range of global experts who conduct data-driven, policy-relevant research. The project is predominantly funded by a January 2020-October 2021 US State Department grant. The Xinjiang Data Project also hosts ASPI ICPC projects funded by the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office (such as ‘Uyghurs for Sale’ in March 2020) and projects with no core funding (such as ‘Strange Bedfellows on Xinjiang’ in March 2021). The work of the ICPC would not be possible without the financial support of our partners and sponsors across governments, industry and civil society.

What is ASPI?

The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non‑partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally. ASPI’s sources of funding are identified in our annual report, online at www.aspi.org.au and in the acknowledgements section of individual publications. ASPI remains independent in the content of the research and in all editorial judgements.

ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre

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First published May 2021. ISSN 2209-9689 (online), ISSN 2209-9670 (print).

Funding statement: Funding for this report was provided by the US State Department.

Somebody might hear us: Emerging communications security technologies

Militaries have been trying to keep their communications safe from prying eyes for centuries. But they have also sought to be able to communicate as quickly as possible and as widely as possible with their own forces. Those requirements are in tension with one another.

Today, militaries can communicate globally over increasingly capacious data pipes. But the same technological evolution that allows them to do that has also given would-be eavesdroppers new and powerful tools to collect and exploit signals.

In this report, author Dr Andrew Davies explains the principles of secure communication and uses some examples of emerging technologies to illustrate what the next generation of secure communications might look like.

Cracking the missile matrix

Acknowledgements

I’d like to thank my ASPI colleagues for the stimulating conversations I’ve had over the past three years on the challenges facing the Australian Defence Force and on options to address them. The issue of strike capabilities and weapons has figured prominently among those discussions. Those colleagues include Michael Shoebridge, Peter Jennings, Malcolm Davis, Andrew Davies, Tony McCormack, David Millar, Todd Hanks, Ned Holt and Tom Uren. I’ve also benefited from many conversations with current and former members of the ADF and Department of Defence.

I’m particularly grateful to Michael Shoebridge for his comments, questions and suggestions on numerous drafts of this report. They played an important role in shaping its structure and assessments.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Last year’s war between Azerbaijan and Armenia was short, sharp and decisive. By effectively employing precision guided weapons, the former rapidly forced the latter to capitulate and accede to its political demands. The conflict confirmed the centrality of guided weapons to modern war fighting and showed how small states can now master the technologies and techniques needed to use them.

Last year also witnessed the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic and the supply-chain crisis it triggered. That provoked much soul-searching from governments and companies about how to manage the risks presented by modern just-in-time supply chains that span the globe.

When we take those two events together, it’s clear that the ADF will not only need many kinds of guided weapons across the spectrum of conflict, but also need to guarantee their availability in times of crisis when supply chains will be under pressure and threat. That will be difficult, since Australia currently manufactures virtually no guided weapons.

The Australian Government is also aware of both needs. Its 2020 Defence Strategic Update plans on investing tens of billions of dollars in guided weapons over the next two decades. It also directs Defence to explore the potential for new sovereign guided weapons production capability to mitigate supply risks. It appears that exploration has determined that the potential can be turned into reality: on 31 March, the government announced that it was ‘accelerating’ the development of a sovereign guided weapon manufacturing capability.

This report examines two fundamental questions. First, would the manufacture of guided weapons in Australia enhance ADF capability and provide greater self-reliance? Second, is it viable to manufacture guided weapons in Australia? The answer to both questions is ‘yes’. The report also presents some key considerations about how the industry should be established.

No single measure is a panacea for supply-chain risks, but domestic guided weapons production, combined with greater stockpiling and cooperative development and production arrangements, would greatly reduce those risks.

Australia has the industrial capability to produce guided weapons here. In fact, we have a long and successful living history of doing that. We can also draw upon ‘missile-adjacent’ sectors such as space and autonomous systems as well as leverage the power of the fourth industrial revolution to accelerate the design and manufacture of weapons. We can also leverage our alliance with the US to establish production lines for US weapons here, to the benefit of both partners.

A multibillion-dollar investment in the local manufacture of guided weapons is also consistent with broader government policy; for example, it supports the government’s modern manufacturing initiative, which is a key element in the effort to wean the Australian economy away from a dangerous over-reliance on the export of commodities and build on some other national strengths.

The government has announced that it’s establishing a guided weapons ‘enterprise’, although it has released few details. What should that enterprise look like? To maximise the prospects for success, Defence needs to adopt a programmatic approach to its selection of guided weapons and actively manage the ‘missile matrix’. That is, rather than allowing the number of types of weapons that it uses multiply by letting individual projects choose different weapons for different platforms, it needs to make decisions that take all relevant factors into account and choose weapons or families of weapons that will be used across multiple platforms.

That approach will have multiple benefits. Acquiring more weapons of fewer types will increase the economies of scale of local production. It will also help to contain the overheads of ownership, such as sustainment costs, the logistics chain and integration costs.

A programmatic approach will necessarily involve ‘backing winners’ up front. While some may have concerns about the potential loss of commercial leverage, Defence is already using such an approach with success, for example in the Navy’s combat management system, for which the government has decided that all classes of ships must use Saab’s combat system. This will involve seeing industry as long-term partners, rather than simply as suppliers— but that’s already a fundamental tenet of the government’s defence industry policy. Moreover, losing commercial leverage is a manageable issue, as Defence would be a more powerful, larger customer if it procured missiles using domestic co-production and the ‘family of weapons’ approach outlined in this report. And reduced commercial leverage is a different order of risk compared to losing a conflict owing to a lack of missile supplies.

A national guided weapons enterprise could adopt many of the measures in Australia’s Naval Shipbuilding Plan, including enhanced funding for R&D, support for the establishment of precincts for the design and production of guided weapons, and coordinated training and education programs to develop the workforce. Making guided weapons one of Defence’s ‘sovereign industrial capability priorities’, supported by an implementation plan, also makes sense as part of this broader plan.

But we can’t wait until the perfect plan is developed. The urgency of our strategic circumstances means we need to start now. There are many mature weapons that the ADF is already using or has decided to buy that we can start producing here now with minimal risk. But the government should also make some ‘big bets’, investing in the development of emergent technologies such as hypersonic weapons that can be put into production here once mature, rather than waiting to see that maturity demonstrated elsewhere and then trying to retrofit Australia with a production capacity for these powerful new weapons.

The government has established a national enterprise to build ships, submarines and armoured vehicles in Australia, but, without guided weapons, those platforms will have limited utility. Put simply: a small number of military platforms without a large supply of advanced missiles is a force fitted for but not with combat power. The government’s decision to establish a guided weapons enterprise, if implemented well, will be a key step in providing the ADF’s platforms with the advanced missiles in the types and quantities they need to deliver lethal and survivable capability.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendation 1

The Department of Defence should adopt an enterprise-level approach to guided weapons that:

  • considers all relevant capability and industry factors in the selection of weapons
  • minimises as far as possible the number of new weapon types
  • seeks to maximise economies of scale
  • identifies weapon types that should be manufactured in Australia
  • makes guided weapons a sovereign industrial capability priority
  • supports industry to establish local weapon production
  • does not limit local production to one company’s offerings.

Recommendation 2

Defence should seek the government’s agreement to an initial portfolio of guided weapons that will be manufactured in Australia.

Production of those weapons should commence as soon as possible.

An indicative initial portfolio of high-priority weapons for local production would include:

  • Spike LR2 missiles
  • a family of tactical loitering drones
  • air-delivered laser-guided bombs, JDAM-class weapons, or both
  • the Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile
  • hypersonics.

GUIDED WEAPONS: AN ESSENTIAL REQUIREMENT FOR THE ADF

In July 2020, the Australian Government released its Defence Strategic Update (DSU).1 The document was refreshing for the frankness with which it assessed Australia’s security environment, but its telling strategic assessments painted a very worrying picture. Faced with a more assertive and coercive rising great power, it concluded that the ADF’s largely defensive capabilities didn’t equip it to deter attacks on Australia or its interests.

The government stated that the ADF needs to grow its ‘self-reliant ability to deliver deterrent effects’. This ADF requires a different set of capabilities to hold adversaries at risk further from Australia, such as longer range strike weapons. In short, the best defence is a good offence. The ADF also requires greater self-reliant ability ‘to deploy and deliver combat power and reduce its dependencies on partners for critical capability’. Coming in the wake of the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, the update also highlighted the vulnerabilities in global supply chains, including those critical for defence capability.

The DSU painted an alarming picture of the systemic capability gap between the ADF’s current capabilities and those needed to meet Australia’s strategic circumstances. Moreover, we don’t have unlimited time to address that gap; the update also concluded that a 10-year strategic warning time for an attack on Australia or its interests ‘is no longer an appropriate basis for defence planning’. In short, Australia needs more self-reliant military capability, and it needs to be delivered quickly.

The update and its supporting Force Structure Plan (FSP) present an acquisition plan to bridge that gap, but many of the lines of effort in that program will take many years to deliver—a factor that doesn’t sit well with the update’s conclusions about warning time.

In the light of the extremely long delivery times for manned platforms such as ships, submarines and aircraft, greater deterrent effects and self-reliant capability are likely to be delivered faster through investment in weapons, rather than new platform projects. Encouragingly, a key element of Defence’s acquisition plan is a very substantial investment in guided weapons in the order of tens of billions of dollars. That includes acquiring new kinds of weapons as well as holding larger stocks of weapons.

But, to address supply-chain risks in guided weapons, the plan also raises the prospect of fundamental changes to the way Defence has done business by considering ‘the potential for a new sovereign guided weapons and explosive ordnance production capability to mitigate supply risks, especially for those munitions with long lead-times’—which includes most advanced missiles.

More recently, on 31 March, the government announced that it was ‘accelerating’ the development of a sovereign guided weapon manufacturing capability and was establishing a guided weapons ‘enterprise’.2

This report examines two broad questions. First, would the manufacture of guided weapons in Australia enhance ADF capability and provide greater self-reliance? Second, is it viable to manufacture guided weapons in Australia? The answer to both questions is ‘yes’. The report also suggests ways to enhance the prospects for the success of a local guided weapons industry.

Our accelerating reliance on guided weapons

There are likely to be many facets to any future war beyond kinetic effects, such as cyber disruption and political warfare. Nevertheless, any examination of the history of the past 30 years of armed conflict and of contemporary military forces’ current and planned capabilities would have to conclude that guided weapons are now central to modern military operations. Modern militaries’ reliance on precision guided weapons has grown to the point where they would be largely ineffective in combat without those weapons. And they need them in large quantities, not just boutique numbers for exquisitely crafted precision strikes against small numbers of targets in discretionary deployments.

Their reliance on guided weapons continues to grow. In Operation Desert Storm in 1991, ‘the proportion of PGMs delivered by US forces compared to nonprecision  munitions was less than 10 percent.’3 Eight years later, in 1999, during NATO’s air campaign intended to persuade Yugoslavia to remove its forces from Kosovo, that proportion had risen to 29% (and that percentage had been pushed downwards by the old-fashioned use of carpet bombing by heavy bombers late in the conflict).4 Four years later, in Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003, the US and its allies expended 29,199 munitions, of which two-thirds were guided.5 In Operation Okra (the campaign against ISIS in Iraq and Syria), the RAAF used only precision guided munitions. The F-35 uses only guided munitions, other than its 25-mm canon.

If that reliance on guided weapons was the case in conflicts in which the US and its allies had overwhelming air supremacy and technological superiority, it’s likely to be even more so in fights with peer or near-peer adversaries. And, in a fight with a peer adversary, both offensive and defensive guided weapons will be necessary. For example, to have any chance of surviving China’s lethal mix of supersonic anti-ship cruise missiles, anti-ship ballistic missiles (such as its DF-21D ‘carrier killer’) and emerging hypersonic missiles with ranges in the hundreds or even thousands of kilometres, Australian warships will require multiple advanced air-defence missiles. They’ll also need offensive strike missiles of their own with hundreds or even thousands of kilometres range to shoot back. It’s highly unlikely that an RAN frigate will ever engage an enemy ship with its 5-inch gun firing traditional ‘dumb’ rounds.

Much of the public discussion about defence acquisitions and defence industry in Australia and other nations focuses on the platforms that carry and launch those weapons, rather than on the weapons themselves, but, without them, the platforms are useless. In one sense, the $89 billion submarines, $45 billion frigates and $17 billion F-35s that the Department of Defence is buying are just delivery systems for the guided weapons they carry. And, since modern military operations consume large numbers of those weapons, we run the risk of having useless platforms if we don’t properly plan to be able to maintain the flow of those weapons to frontline forces.

And it’s not just large platforms exchanging guided missiles at long ranges. With the merging of guided weapons and drones and the miniaturisation of both, even infantrymen can now launch small, loitering precise munitions simply by throwing them into the air.

The ‘democratisation’ of guided weapons

At the time of the 1991 Gulf War, the US’s precision strike capabilities, the result of massive investment under its Second Offset Strategy, were virtually unique. That’s no longer the case. As noted above, China has developed a vast range of long-range precision guided weapons that have already forced the US to reconsider its force structure and approach to operations in the Western Pacific.6

But it’s not just great powers that can produce these capabilities. A range of middle and smaller powers have developed precision guided weapons, including Israel, Turkey, Sweden and Iran. Some of those producers have also made them available for export. This means that the number of states that qualify as peer or near-peer adversaries by being equipped with precision guided weapons is growing.

Even small states with limited defence budgets can acquire such systems on the global market and develop a level of proficiency that only two decades ago was the province solely of a very small number of advanced militaries. The recent conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia was telling. The latter rapidly capitulated as its army collapsed in the face of precise air strikes delivered by drones employing guided weapons provided by Turkey and Israel (Figure 1). The same capabilities used by Azerbaijan are being exported to our region.7 The boundary between the haves and the have nots is evaporating.

Figure 1: Azerbaijani drone footage of a strike on Armenian forces; a country with a GDP that’s only 3.1% of Australia’s and a defence budget that’s only 7.2% of Australia’s successfully employed drones and guided weapons, causing its adversary to collapse militarily and capitulate politically



Source: Azerbaijani Ministry of Defence, online.

And it’s not only states that are employing guided weapons. Quasi-state and non-state actors do, too. Hezbollah has long had access to anti-tank guided missiles provided by Iran, using them to destroy Israeli armoured vehicles, significantly raising the cost and risk of Israel deploying ‘boots on the ground’.8 Hezbollah has also severely damaged an Israeli warship with a land-based anti-ship cruise missile, most likely a Chinese C-802. The Yemeni Houthis have also used anti-ship cruise missiles to destroy a United Arab Emirates vessel and forced US Navy ships to deploy sophisticated countermeasures to protect themselves.

Even terrorist groups with a limited technological support base have been able to use off-the-shelf consumer goods to produce weapons that can deliver effects similar to guided weapons. ISIS used commercial drones to drop grenades down the hatches of Iraqi army tanks.

The merging of weapons and drones

Another development is that the roles of guided weapons and drones are becoming increasingly merged. There are well-established synergies between drones and guided weapons; drones can themselves launch weapons, and they can provide targeting for weapons launched by manned aircraft, as well as providing targeting for weapons launched by other drones.

However, drones and weapons have also essentially merged in the form of loitering munitions, commonly known as suicide drones. Such systems have long endurance, allowing them to loiter over the battlefield and giving them the ability to prosecute targets of opportunity. One well-known example is the Israeli Harpy, which was probably used operationally by Azerbaijan in its recent conflict with Armenia. It’s also being exported to our region.

Such weapons are relatively small. That reduces the infrastructure needed to support the employment of precision guided weapons. While armed drones are generally smaller than manned aircraft, they still need a runway, ground crew, refuelling and rearming support, and so on. Loitering munitions don’t. They can essentially be launched from containers on the backs of trucks or ship decks.

The outcome of the ongoing processes of democratisation, miniaturisation and merging of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), weapons and sensors are systems such as the Australian-designed Defendtex Drone 40 (Figure 2). This is a hovering UAV in the format of a 40-mm grenade that can be launched from a soldier’s underslung grenade launcher, or just thrown into the air. Individual rounds can be fitted with a range of payloads, including kinetic warheads as well as sensors. This step in the democratisation of guided weapons means that even an infantry section will have the organic capability to deploy smart, persistent swarms of guided weapons. British soldiers are already employing them on operations.9 But democratisation also means that Australia’s adversaries will have them, too.

Figure 2: UK troops trained with the Defendtex Drone 40 before their deployment to Mali in October 2020



Source: UK Ministry of Defence, online.

Numbers matter

In sum, in any likely future conflict, the ADF will both face and itself employ a full spectrum of guided weapons, from long-range strike weapons down to individual soldier systems. The ADF will need a full range of countermeasures that disrupt the adversary’s kill chain—but some of the most effective are themselves sophisticated weapons that can, for example, either destroy hostile platforms before they launch their weapons, destroy the weapon in flight or, like the Nulka, act as decoys.10

The outcome of a conflict between the ADF and adversaries operating these weapons will be determined by many factors, including the technical capabilities of the individual guided weapons used and the enabling systems, such as targeting and intelligence, that make them effective. But victory may also go to the side that can replenish these new ‘consumables’ of conflict fastest. Whichever side is unable to sustain the supply of them to its frontline forces will be at a severe disadvantage. This means success will come to those who recognise that advanced missiles and loitering munitions need to be thought of and procured as flows, not stocks.

The ADF has traditionally relied on small numbers of technologically superior systems in both platforms and weapons. It has historically done ‘one-off’ buys of relatively small numbers of guided weapons that are meant to last for decades from international suppliers. However, the democratisation of these technologies means that mass is increasingly important. In this regard, the Australian Defence organisation has a long way to go to ensure that it can sustain the flow of consumable weapons. A fundamental shift is required in its approach to acquiring guided weapons.

AUSTRALIA’S INVESTMENT IN GUIDED WEAPONS

Previous investment

Guided weapons are nothing new for the ADF. Australia has been in the fortunate position of being able to pick the best systems available on the global market. While Australia has a long history of guided weapons design and production (which we review later), nearly all of them have been acquired overseas. According to data published by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Australia has been the fourth largest importer of arms over the previous decade; one major driver of this has been our acquisitions of guided weapons.11

Over that period, according to reporting on the AusTender database, Defence has signed contracts worth $3,302 million in the general category of ‘missiles’. AusTender provides few details; most of the entries are payments to the US Foreign Military Sales program for unspecified missiles, including a $610 million payment in 2016. In some cases, AusTender states what the missiles were, such as a $216.1 million contribution to the Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM) program in 2014 and another for $153 million in 2017.

Australia’s weapons acquisitions have been primarily, but not exclusively, from the US (a table of Defence’s guided weapons projects and purchases is in Appendix 1). We’ve also bought European weapons that have been successfully integrated (such as the ASRAAM missile on the Hornet) and not so successfully integrated (such as the MU90 lightweight torpedo onto any ADF aircraft).

The fundamental question is whether it makes sense to continue to be so reliant on imported weapons.

Planned investment

Defence’s investment in guided weapons is set to increase dramatically. The government’s defence planning documents make it clear that the ADF has entered the ‘age of missiles’.12 Broadly speaking, the 2020 FSP outlines around $100 billion in investment in guided weapons over the coming two decades (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Planned investments in missiles and other guided weapon systems (median point of FSP bands, $ billion)



Source: 2020 Force Structure Plan, online.

New capabilities, both offensive and defensive

Several factors are driving this. The first is that the government is seeking new kinds of capabilities. Second, larger
stocks of the types of weapons already in service will be required. And, finally, guided weapons will increasingly
permeate the ADF so that more platforms will employ them.

The first reason arises from a fundamental change of direction in the government’s understanding of the kinds of military capability Australia needs. The DSU assessed that ‘Australia has a highly effective, deployable and integrated military force. But maintaining what is a capable, but largely defensive, force in the medium to long term will not best equip the ADF to deter attacks against Australia or its interests in the challenging environment this document sets out.’ Therefore, the government is seeking to acquire ‘more potent capabilities to hold adversary forces and infrastructure at risk further from Australia, including longer range strike weapons, cyber capabilities and area-denial systems.’

The FSP that accompanied the DSU broadly described the new capabilities. Ones that can be described as longer range strike weapons or area-denial systems that employ guided weapons include hypersonic missiles and long-range land-based rocket and missile systems.13 Indeed, in some regards, the nature of the Army will fundamentally change as it moves to become a missile force with new, long-range missile capabilities. The ADF will also acquire new kinds of defensive capabilities. For the first time, the investment plan includes funds to acquire a ballistic missile defence capability. While the FSP provides little detail on what type of system is required, the funding envelope suggests something like the US Patriot or even the THAAD system. There are also substantial funds for a medium-range ground-based air defence system. Again, this is a new kind of capability for the ADF.

Defence will need a lot of missiles

The second reason for the steeply growing investment in guided weapons is that the ADF is going to need a lot more missiles, even of the ones it already has in its inventory. This is in part because platforms are increasingly reliant on missiles, but another key driver for the growth in missile numbers is that the ADF’s platforms are getting bigger.

Take the Navy’s surface fleet. Each of the RAN’s eight Anzac-class frigates has eight vertical launch cells, each capable of holding a quad pack of four ESSM short-range air-defence missiles. That’s a maximum load-out of 32 per vessel (Figure 4). The Anzacs can’t operate the longer-range SM-2 missile currently in the ADF inventory, let alone the even more capable SM-6 that’s in Defence’s acquisition plans. So that’s a total of 256 for a full load-out for the class. At around $2.4 million per missile, that’s a cost of $614.4 million, even before we get to replenishing weapons expended in combat.

Figure 4: HMAS Ballarat conducts an Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile firing at sea, as part of the Anzac-class frigate’s sea qualification trials



Source: Defence image library, online.

But the fleet is going to require even more missiles at greater cost. The nine Hunter-class frigates that will replace the Anzacs each have 32 vertical launch system cells. Theoretically, that could mean 128 ESSMs per ship, but it’s likely that some of their cells will hold the SM-2 and potentially even the SM-6, both of which require one cell per missile. The SM-2 and SM-6 missiles cost around $3.2 million and $6 million, respectively. A full load-out for the Hunters could require more than 600 missiles at a cost of over $1.6 billion.14 And those numbers will need to be replenished.

When we add in the three Hobart-class destroyers, which have 48 cells each, a single load-out for the surface fleet could require more than 850 missiles at a cost of nearly $2.5 billion. That’s before we consider war stocks, other guided weapons that don’t require vertical launch cells, such as some anti-ship missiles or lightweight torpedos, or expendable passive defensive systems, such as the Nulka hovering decoy.

Guided weapons will increasingly permeate the force

More ADF platforms and units will incorporate guided weapons. They’ll have to, if they’re to have any chance of surviving on the modern battlefield. No current Army vehicle mounts a missile. However, both types of vehicles being acquired by Project LAND 400 (the Boxer combat reconnaissance vehicle and the yet-to-be-chosen infantry fighting vehicle) will have launchers for the Israeli Spike missile in addition to their main guns. That’s potentially around 500 missile-equipped vehicles.15 In future, missiles may also be mounted on protected vehicles, such as the Hawkei.

The ADF currently uses unarmed surveillance UAVs but doesn’t have armed drones. Defence is planning to acquire the Sky Guardian, a variant of the Reaper, which is likely to be armed with laser- and GPS-guided bombs and Hellfire missiles. But, with the miniaturisation of both drones and weapons, the use of weaponised drones is likely to saturate downwards so that even infantry units will have organic air-launched guided weapon capabilities. As we’ve seen, the Drone 40 is already a blend of drone, sensor and guided weapon. Australia’s adversaries will acquire them even if the ADF doesn’t.

Maintaining the flow of increasing numbers of increasing types of weapon mounted on increasing types of platforms in conflict will be a challenge that Defence isn’t currently equipped to meet.

MANAGING THE OVERHEADS OF THE MISSILE MATRIX

The missile matrix

The ADF’s rapidly growing reliance on guided weapons presents risks. The first major risk is that, as the number of guided weapons in ADF service grows, the challenge of acquiring, integrating, sustaining and operating them all will become less and less manageable. Guided weapons require many supporting elements in order to function effectively. It’s not simply a matter of buying them and storing them in a warehouse until it’s time to use them. The more different weapons Defence acquires, the more those overheads multiply, and a deployed ADF will be burdened with more and more complex logistical challenges to support multiple different missile types.

We can illustrate the potential proliferation of weapon types in a matrix (see Appendix 2). ADF platforms are listed on the vertical axis: fast jets, patrol aircraft, armoured vehicles, infantry, helicopters, surface vessels, submarines and so on. Across the top there are types of targets: aircraft, armoured vehicles, bunkers, warships, speedboats and so on. The matrix shows the weapons that the platform could use to prosecute the target.

Over the coming decade, it’s very likely, and indeed unavoidable, that Defence will acquire many more kinds of guided weapons. The risk is that each of Defence’s platform projects selects a different weapon to prosecute each target, resulting in each box in the matrix having a different weapon. That would massively multiply the number of different kinds of weapons in the inventory, increasing the overheads while potentially decreasing the war stock of each kind.

We’ve seen that occur already; the Army’s infantry use the Javelin against vehicles and bunkers, its Tiger armed reconnaissance helicopter uses the Hellfire against those targets, and the Spike has been selected for the Boxer combat reconnaissance vehicle for that role. The Navy’s frigates and destroyers carry two types of antisubmarine torpedo—a European one launched by the ships themselves and an American one that the ships’ helicopters carry. There’s a long back story to that involving the failed Super Seasprite project and Defence’s tendency to underestimate the cost and risk involved in integrating new weapons into old platforms.

There are potentially other areas in which the number of weapons could proliferate in the ADF. One is anti-ship missiles. The ADF’s surface ships, submarines, fast jets (both Super Hornets and F-35As) and maritime patrol aircraft all require a new long-range anti-ship missile, plus there’s a new land-based anti-ship missile capability in Defence’s investment plan. The AGM-158C long-range anti-ship missile (LRASM) has been selected for the Super Hornet and P-8A maritime patrol aircraft to replace the Harpoon, but there are other possible options still open for other platforms.

As hypersonic weapons mature, it’s also possible that the number of hypersonic weapon types in the ADF’s inventory could rapidly multiply, should the Army, Navy and Air Force all choose different weapons.

Defence will need to balance the capability benefits of narrowly choosing the optimal missile for each platform and application against broader benefits offered by choosing missiles that can be used across a range of platforms and applications—and produced at volume, partly because of the economies of scale from an approach to weapon selection that thinks of families of weapons, and that selects the same missile for closely related tasks.

Costs and risks of fundamental inputs to capability

The sustainment cost of Defence’s weapons is substantial. In 2020–21, it’s $215 million for the Army and $134 million for the Navy.16 Additional weapon types come with additional overheads. Defence refers to the enablers necessary to employ a capability effectively as ‘fundamental inputs to capability’ (FICs). There are nine.17 In essence, these are the overheads of effective ownership. With every new weapon in inventory, the FICs increase.

This is most obvious in the case of the ‘support’ FIC. Every new weapon introduces additional support requirements: its sustainment supply chain, new support and test equipment, new training for maintenance personnel, and new technical data. While modern guided weapons have long shelf lives, they still need skilled maintenance staff to ensure that software is up to date, to check that batteries and energetic components such as warheads and propellants haven’t degraded and to replace them if they have.

Those sustainment supply chains can be fragile; currently, some components need to be returned to the original manufacturer overseas for repairs or upgrades, with lengthy turnaround times. The cost of transporting ‘energetic’ components such as warheads and motors with propellant fuels can be extreme due to the need to use military or other certified aircraft. The more sustainment that can be done locally, the better.

But there are other, less visible requirements. New weapons need to be integrated into platform simulators to support training. As weapons become increasingly software reliant, they’ll require frequent software upgrades. They may require intelligence mission data, tailored to a specific threat set or environment, that requires threat libraries and updates.

All businesses seek to minimise overheads through standardisation as much as possible. Defence, too, will need to minimise overheads by minimising the number of different guided weapons it employs.

Managing integration costs and risks

As the number of weapons increases, so too do the cost and risk associated with integrating them onto our platforms. Integrating weapons is a non-trivial task taking several years of effort and tens of millions of dollars to address both software and physical integration. Defence has a very mixed record of success in its efforts to integrate new weapons into old platforms. Project JP 2070 was to acquire the MU90 torpedo and integrate it into the Adelaide-and Anzac-class frigates as well as three aircraft: the Super Seasprite and S-70B-2 Seahawk helicopters and the AP-3C maritime patrol aircraft. Defence eventually abandoned efforts to integrate the torpedo into any of the aircraft.18

Australia did successfully integrate the AGM-158 joint air-to-surface standoff missile onto the F/A-18 A/B ‘classic’ Hornet fleet (Figure 5), but even there the planned integration on the AP-3C was not completed. Moreover, integration onto the classic Hornets doesn’t mean that the weapon is also integrated onto the Super Hornet. That means that, as the classic Hornets are progressively withdrawn from service, the ADF doesn’t have a platform that can carry its longest range strike weapon.

Figure 5: Australia successfully integrated the AGM-158 joint air-to-surface standoff missile onto the classic Hornet; with the impending retirement of that fleet, the weapons’ future employment in the ADF is unclear



Source: Defence image library, online.

Even when Defence has successfully integrated weapons, as in the integration of the US Hellfire missile onto its European Tiger armed reconnaissance helicopter, it’s had to bear the entire cost and risk itself to deliver a unique, orphan solution.19

Because of experiences such as those, Defence has turned to off-the-shelf solutions, particularly for its air systems. The RAAF acquired the same version of the Super Hornet as the US Navy along with the weapons suite already integrated into it. The RAN did the same with the Seahawk Romeo maritime combat helicopter that replaced the Seahawk S-70B-2.

But relying on others to manage all weapons integration comes with risks, too. Australia is still waiting for the Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) consortium to integrate a long-range maritime strike weapon onto the F-35, despite Australia being a JSF partner nation and long-range maritime strike being Australia’s highest priority for the program—that’s one reason Defence had to resort to the fallback option of acquiring the LRASM for its Super Hornets.20 So, being able to leverage off friends’ and allies’ integration efforts is an important factor—it’s just not always possible for a force that uses a mix of Australian, US, European and Israeli systems. Retaining the ability to integrate our choice of weapon onto our choice of platform is a key element of sovereign capability.

How does this support the case for domestic manufacture?

We can draw some conclusions from these observations. Most importantly, Defence needs to actively manage the missile matrix to rationalise the number of kinds of weapons or families of weapons. This will generate the following benefits:

  • It will reduce the overheads of sustainment.
  • It’s likely to result in the ADF being able to acquire larger numbers of each kind of weapon.
  • Generating scale will also make local production more economically viable.
  • If Australia can design and build components for missiles and assemble them, it’s likely that we can also sustain them in country, eliminating the need to return them to overseas manufacturers.
  • Creating commonality reduces integration risk, as lessons learned from integrating a weapon onto one platform can be applied when that same weapon is integrated onto other platforms.
  • Local manufacture will also reduce integration risks if it’s accompanied by the transfer of technology and access to software, allowing Defence and Australian industry to develop a deeper understanding of the weapons.

ADDRESSING SUPPLYCHAIN SECURITY

The supply-chain risk

Another major risk associated with the ADF’s increasing reliance on guided weapons is one that Covid-19 has brought into sharp relief: supply-chain security. The Covid-19 crisis, combined with a more overtly economically coercive China, exposed the fragility of global supply chains, even in peacetime. Guided weapons have all the hallmarks of a supply-chain crisis waiting to happen. They’re highly complex systems built overseas consisting of numerous subsystems supplied by diverse manufacturers around the world. They take a long time to manufacture. And, in wartime, an adversary will be actively seeking to interdict those supply chains.

Moreover, in a contingency when we might want a lot of them in a hurry, the countries that manufacture them probably will too and will prioritise their own militaries’ requirements. We’ve seen this phenomenon already in the health sector with ‘vaccine nationalism’, even between close political and economic partners.

The 2020 FSP clearly articulates the supply-chain risk:

One of the most consistent and important lessons from previous conflicts around the world has been how quickly supplies of precision munitions can come under stress, especially for those nations that possess little domestic capacity to manufacture them. In a world that is becoming more contested and where supply chains have been shown to be fragile in moments of crisis, it is important for Defence to re-evaluate its capacity to sustain the ADF on operations.21

To address this, the DSU states that the government’s plans include ‘more durable supply chain arrangements and strengthened sovereign industrial capabilities to enhance the ADF’s self-reliance, including in the context of high-intensity operations’.22

What are the options to address supply-chain risks? Broadly speaking, there are four main approaches: diversifying suppliers, holding larger stockpiles, burden sharing, and domestic manufacture. All of those are non-trivial tasks in the case of guided weapons. None will be sufficient alone, and all of them are likely play a role in addressing the challenges Defence faces.

Diversifying suppliers

Diversifying suppliers makes sense, particularly if a key or indeed monopoly supplier is someone you can’t rely upon in a crisis, but it’s hard to diversify suppliers once the shooting starts. If it’s hard to do with something like medical ventilators, it’s even harder with even more complex systems such as guided weapons. We’ve seen already that the integration of new weapons is difficult and takes time and lots of money. New weapons aren’t simply ‘plug and play’, so it’s not just a matter of placing an order for weapons with a new supplier.

There are other challenges to diversification. As the number of players in the Western arms industry has consolidated in the past few decades, there are fewer options for weapons. For example, in the US, there’s no direct competitor for the ESSM maritime air defence missile. If the ESSM were unavailable, Australia could try to get a less capable missile such as the SeaRAM or a more capable missile such as the SM-2, but all three are Raytheon products, so if the supply chain for the ESSM were interrupted, it’s likely that it would be too for Raytheon’s other products. Moreover, the SeaRAM hasn’t been integrated into the Navy’s combat system, and the SM-2 can’t be used by the Navy’s Anzac frigates.

Australia could seek a European alternative to the ESSM, but integrating European weapons into the largely American combat systems used by Australia’s platforms has historically been challenging. It’s not impossible, but it’s not something that can be done on the spur of the moment. So, while drawing on non-US weapons could help mitigate some risks in some types of weapons, it would have to be done well before a conflict starts.

Stockpiling

Stockpiling is Defence’s traditional approach to managing the guided weapons supply chain. It generally buys a stock of a particular type of weapon it can afford within the given project budget (sometimes deeply constrained by how much money a project that procures platforms has left once it gets around to weapons to go on them) and stores them, occasionally topping up its holdings as small numbers are consumed in practice firings or certification activities.

The challenge has always been knowing how many weapons to hold. Because many weapons cost millions of dollars each, stockpiling is expensive, so there’s always pressure to hold the absolute minimum. In the post–Cold War era of US unipolar hegemony, the risk of holding only small war stocks of high-end weapons was probably acceptable. That’s no longer the case in an era in which the government has acknowledged the possibility of conflict with a major power. In high-end war fighting against a major power, even if we fight alongside the US, war stocks will be consumed very rapidly. As noted above, the US coalition used around 20,000 guided weapons of all kinds against Iraq in 2003—a state that was far from being a major power and indeed had virtually no air force or navy to speak of.

It’s clear that the government has recognised this risk. The 2020 FSP states that the government has directed Defence to develop options for ‘an increase in weapon inventory across the ADF to ensure weapons stock holdings are adequate to sustain combat operations if global supply chains are at risk or disrupted’.23 It’s devoting $20.3–30.4 billion over the next two decades to ‘weapons inventory surety’. That suggests it’s going to spend a lot to maintain larger war stocks as well as to allow the ADF to expend more munitions in realistic training.

Larger stockpiles go a long way to making the ADF’s war-fighting capability more robust, but it’s a limited form of sovereign capability costing a lot of money. Stockpiling by itself has disadvantages:

  • It gives the ADF some self-reliance in wartime, but only if it were able to accurately gauge in advance how many weapons it needs to have on hand for all potential contingencies—which is essentially impossible to do.
  • It doesn’t solve supply-chain problems if Defence is still reliant on long supply chains for the repair or replacement of components, particularly if the weapon needs to be returned to the original manufacturer overseas.
  • As a consumer of off-the-shelf weapons acquired overseas, Defence will have very limited ability to enhance or modify those weapons as the nature of conflict evolves.
  • It assumes that weapons with the attributes that Defence needs are available to be acquired and stockpiled in the first place.

Burden sharing

Defence has historically sought to meet some of its guided weapons needs through a form of burden sharing in the form of cooperative weapons programs. In those programs, usually with the US, it contributes to the cost of developing the weapons. They have included the Mk-48 heavyweight torpedo and the ESSM (the latter with several international partners). The government recently decided to enter into similar programs to evolve the SM-6 long-range air-defence missile and the Mk-54 lightweight torpedo.

Such programs can have advantages. The cost of development is shared, and theoretically Australia has a voice in setting the requirements for the program. Australian industry generally has opportunities to introduce components into the program’s global supply chain.24 This has resulted in the development of greater industrial capability here. Australia also gets more assured access to production slots under these arrangements—at least in peacetime.

But such programs also have disadvantages as they are now structured. The development schedule is driven by the major partner. And, as the JSF program’s delayed integration of a maritime strike weapon has shown, being a member of a cooperative program doesn’t guarantee that Australia’s requirements are met when we need them. The more partners, arguably the greater the supply-chain risk. This was graphically illustrated when Turkey was ejected from the JSF program, forcing the consortium to find alternative suppliers for key components.

But perhaps the biggest risk from a supply-chain perspective is that there’s still only one production line and that’s in the major partner’s country. Even in peacetime, it can take several years for orders of weapons to be delivered. While it’s unlikely the US would turn off the supply to punish Australia, in time of crisis both countries (and any other additional partners) will all be clamouring for weapons from the single production line. That exposes all the partners to strategic risk. That can be mitigated by establishing multiple production lines in several partner countries, ideally with duplication of the production of components providing redundancy in time of crisis.

Growing the workshare of Australian small and medium-sized enterprises that contribute items to existing offshore missile production chains—as in the JSF industry approach—has brought export success and developed local industry capability, but it won’t meet the strategic need to have a reliable flow of missiles available during conflict. Only production—or co-production with existing international suppliers—here in Australia can achieve that. So far, this hasn’t been done with weapons that Australia has acquired through cooperative arrangements with the US, but there are precedents for companies establishing production lines in other countries, such as the Israeli company Rafael’s production of the Spike missile overseas. So, in principle, it can be done.

That brings us to the fourth approach to mitigating supply-chain risk: local manufacture.

THE VIABILITY OF LOCAL PRODUCTION

The government’s 31 March media release announcing the acceleration of the guided weapons enterprise states that ‘Australia’s defence industry already has tremendous capability in the area of weapons technology … The Government is confident that this represents the necessary industry capability that will be transferrable to areas like guided weapons.’ Is that an accurate assessment? It most likely is, particularly when we take into consideration ‘missile-adjacent’ industry sectors that the enterprise can draw upon.

Australia’s heritage of missile design and production

The local manufacture of guided weapons is a possibility raised in the DSU. In addition to increasing the weapons inventory, it states that the government has directed Defence to develop options to ‘Explore the potential for a new sovereign guided weapons and explosive ordnance production capability to mitigate supply risks, especially for those munitions with long lead-times.’ The FSP also contains a funding line of $0.8–1.1 billion titled ‘Sovereign weapons manufacturing’.

The fundamental question is whether local production of guided weapons is viable. There’s a perception that Australia hasn’t produced guided weapons and has limited ability to do so. That’s not the case. Australia has a long history of developing guided weapons, which have entered production and service. They’ve included:

  • the Malkara anti-tank missile
  • the Ikara anti-submarine missile, which carried a torpedo (Figure 6)
  • JDAM-ER, an extended-range version of the JDAM GPS-guided glide bomb.25

Figure 6: HMAS Perth firing an Ikara antisubmarine missile



Source: Defence image library, online.

In addition, Australia has produced key missile-adjacent technologies such as air vehicles and sensors, including the Jindivik, which is a subsonic unmanned jet-propelled target plane.

Many of those weapons and systems were the result of extended research programs; the development of the JDAM-ER drew on glide bomb research stretching back to the 1970s, for example. Also, work in one program fed into subsequent programs. For example, the development of the Malkara informed that of the Ikara. Many of those technologies were exported and entered into service with other militaries.

Australia’s current industrial capability

During the development of this report, several industry experts assessed that Australia currently has the ability to design and produce all components of missiles, with the exception of some kinds of seeker heads (i.e., the sensor in the tip of the missile that tracks the target).

Perhaps the most successful program is the ongoing Nulka project. This revolutionary decoy that protects ships against anti-ship missiles is essentially a hovering missile with an electronic warfare payload rather than a kinetic warhead (Figure 7). It’s used extensively on Australian, US and Canadian warships.

Figure 7: The Nulka decoy



Source: BAE Systems, online.

The Nulka was developed by the Defence Science and Technology Group in cooperation with the US; Australia focused on the vehicle, while the US largely developed the payload.26 The industry prime on Nulka is BAE Systems, although much of the early development was conducted in house by the Defence Science and Technology Organisation. The Nulka round is assembled and maintained at BAE’s facility at Orchard Hills.

According to BAE Systems, ‘Nulka is now Australia’s largest defence export, having generated more than $1 billion in export revenue for our economy.’ Its medium-term future has been secured through the government’s recent announcement of a further five-year contract for production and in-service support.27

Another significant illustration of Australian industry capability is the ESSM program, which is being delivered through an international consortium. Australia participated in the first stage, Block 1, which is in service, and is also a key contributor to Block 2, which is nearing production. According to Defence:

The ESSM Block 1 program commenced production in 2000 and has delivered more than 3000 missiles to the NATO SEASPARROW Consortium and third-party nations. The program has injected more than $400 million into Australia’s Defence industry, with BAE Systems Australia leading the Australian industry contribution. The thrust vector controller, aerodynamic control fins, dorsal fins, guidance section units, as well as guidance and control algorithms were all delivered by Australian industry.

The ESSM Block 2 program commenced initial production in 2019, and has already resulted in contracts valuing more than $100 million for Australian suppliers in development and early production work. Australian industry’s contribution is expected to increase as the program progresses through full-rate production and support phases, and Defence will continue to negotiate to maximise Australian industry’s involvement. Australian suppliers to the ESSM Block 2 program include BAE Systems Australia (thrust vector controller, missile fuselage, guidance section internal structure, and telemetry transmitter), L3Harris Micreo (Intermediate Frequency Receiver), Varley (complete missile and missile section containers), and Raytheon Australia (supplier management).28

While Australia didn’t design or build the complete missile, many of the components listed above were designed by Australian companies and not simply manufactured under licence.

BAE has also designed a passive radio frequency (RF) sensor that’s being integrated into the Norwegian Joint Strike Missile manufactured by Kongsberg. The sensor guides the missile onto an RF signature being emitted by the target. The sensor has entered full rate production for export.29

In August 2018, the government announced that it had selected the Rafael Spike LR2 missile for the LAND 400 armoured vehicles, and that the missiles would be assembled in Australia by Varley Rafael Australia (Figure 8).30 In February 2020, Defence confirmed that the missile would also be acquired for dismounted troops under Project LAND 159.31 Rafael, an Israeli company, has considerable experience in establishing the production of its weapons in other countries, such as Germany and India, involving the transfer of technology. Despite Defence’s enthusiasm for the weapon, Varley Rafael Australia hasn’t yet received a contract to produce missiles, so it’s been unable to establish a local production line.

Figure 8: Rafael has established production lines for the Spike family of missiles overseas



Source: Euro Spike, online.

Other areas of Australian defence industry have latent capabilities to support the production of guided weapons in Australia. For example, Thales, which manages the Australian Government’s munition facilities at Mulwala and Benalla through its Australian Munitions business, has considerable ability to manage energetics for missiles (that is, explosives and propellants).

The fourth industrial revolution and ‘missile adjacent’ technologies

Overall, Australia can produce most of the components for guided weapons, but that isn’t the sum of our industrial capability. There are many other sectors that are relevant for missiles. I’ve noted that we’re seeing a merging of guided weapons and drones. This means there are also clear synergies in the design and production of guided weapons and autonomous systems such as drones—the subsystems needed for drones are the same as those needed for guided weapons. They include guidance, autonomy and artificial intelligence, propulsion, sensors, and so on. An industrial ecosystem that can manufacture drones has many of the capabilities needed for guided weapons.

But there are synergies with other sectors beyond autonomous systems. The space sector uses the term ‘space-adjacent’ to refer to areas of technology that might not have been developed specifically for space applications but are relevant to and can be applied in the sector.32 This is one of major enabling factors in Space 2.0 (that is, the sharply decreasing cost of space technologies), which is allowing new players to develop and market space capabilities.33

According to the Australian Space Agency, ‘the 10 most common capabilities of space-adjacent firms are: precision machining and design; remote operation and automation; machinery and component manufacturing; R&D and manufacturing; advanced manufacturing and design; systems design and engineering; electronics manufacturing; network operation; engineering design, manufacturing and support; and major infrastructure delivery.’34 The agency further notes that ‘overlapping or transferable capabilities can lower barriers for organisations using their existing workforce to pivot into new opportunities in adjacent industries as they arise.’

The capabilities listed above are fundamental elements of the ‘fourth industrial revolution’.35 They provide Australia with an emerging ‘ecosystem’ of advanced modern manufacturing capability that provides not just ‘space adjacent’ but also many ‘missile adjacent’ technologies. Those technologies can be found in sectors that at first sight seem to have little in common with missiles. An example is the advanced technology used in the mining sector and provided by Australian companies—the requirement for robust, remote operations in difficult conditions is a key driver, along with the mining sector’s rapid adoption of autonomy- and data-led operations.

The potential of these ‘adjacent’ sectors and the broader fourth industrial revolution for Australian industry is highlighted by Boeing Australia and its industry partners’ success in the rapid design and test flight of Boeing’s Airpower Teaming System (ATS), aka Loyal Wingman. While the development of manned combat aircraft has taken decades, the ATS has gone from the start of detailed design to successful flight in three years. The rapid progress of the ATS shows how the ecosystem of technologies that make up the fourth industrial revolution is bringing its transformative potential to the defence sector. Key elements of this are advanced digital design technologies that make use of ‘digital twins’ to test and fly a virtual version of the aircraft thousands of times, allowing problems to be identified and addressed well before it takes physical flight.

When we consider Australia’s living history of guided weapons design and production and combine it with the broad ecosystem of missile-adjacent technologies, it’s clear that we have many of the preconditions in place to embark upon a more robust, sovereign missile enterprise.

GUIDED WEAPONS AND THE GOVERNMENT’S DEFENCE INDUSTRY POLICY

There’s significant local industry capability for the design and production of the systems necessary for guided weapons. However, that’s not necessarily the result of deliberate government policy. In contrast to many areas of government where there are policy aspirations but a lack of resources to implement them, in the case of guided weapons we have the opposite problem: the government is willing to spend tens of billions on weapons, but there’s been a lack of policy on whether it should be done in Australia and how to do it here most effectively.

The fundamental issue is that, while the government’s broader industry policy theoretically supports the manufacture of guided weapons, it hasn’t been an explicit policy. That’s looking like it’s changing, between the statements in the 2020 DSU and the government’s recent announcement about accelerating the establishment of a sovereign guided weapons enterprise. So far, details are few, but the right explicit, directed policy and leadership from the government can orchestrate the tens of billions of dollars in Defence’s current investment plan for weapons in ways that result in Australian production and co-production of at least some of the advanced missiles that the ADF requires. This would reduce strategic risk for Australia in a darkening regional environment, as well as being a positive contributor to our alliance with the US by providing alternative and more dispersed supply sources for our partners in times of crisis.

Supportive industry policy

Developing Australia’s advanced manufacturing capability has taken on renewed urgency in government policy since the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic. On 1 October 2020, the government released Make it happen: the Australian Government’s modern manufacturing strategy.36 The strategy’s vision is for Australia to be recognised as a high-quality and sustainable manufacturing nation that helps to deliver a strong, modern and resilient economy for all Australians. It has six priorities; one is defence and another is the adjacent sector of space.37 One of the goals of the strategy is to develop greater resilience through:

  • making supply chains more resilient to external shocks, including through a ‘supply chain resilience initiative’
  • supporting global market diversification.

As we’ve seen, domestic manufacture of guided weapons would support both of those measures. In addition to its media release about accelerating a guided weapons enterprise, the government also released on 31 March the road map for the modern manufacturing strategy’s defence sector. The simultaneous release suggests the two initiatives are closely related. While guided weapons aren’t a priority per se, the road map highlights the range of existing cross-sector technologies that can be applied to defence manufacturing. It also highlights the need to ‘scale up’ defence manufacturing, which is something that the government’s multidecade, multibillion-dollar acquisition plans for guided weapons have the potential to achieve, if properly implemented.38

While defence is one of the six priority areas in the modern manufacturing strategy, the defence sector effectively has a five-year head start due to the release of the government’s Defence Industry Policy Statement as part of the 2016 Defence White Paper. Its policies and measures have been further articulated and developed in subsequent policy documents, including the 2018 Defence Export Strategy and the 2018 Defence Industry Capability Plan.39

Those later documents have reinforced the fundamental objective of the government’s defence industry policy, which ‘is to deliver the Defence capability necessary to achieve the strategy set out in the Defence White Paper, supported by an internationally competitive and innovative Australian defence industrial base’. Again, domestic manufacture of guided weapons would directly support that objective.

We’ve noted that the 2020 DSU and FSP direct Defence to remediate supply-chain risks for guided weapons, including by ‘exploring the potential for a new sovereign guided weapons and explosive ordnance production capability to mitigate supply risks, especially for those munitions with long lead-times’.

There’s further in-principle policy support for the domestic manufacture of guided weapons. In late 2020, the government made an important amendment to the value-for-money guidelines that govern public-sector purchasing. The guidelines, published by the Department of Finance, state that domestic economic benefit should be taken into account when assessing value for money. This includes ‘developing Australian industry capabilities or industrial capacity’. One example of this provided in the guidelines is ‘enhancing key industry sectors through the Department of Defence’s Sovereign Industrial Capability Priorities’.40

The policy gap

There’s certainly industry policy ‘top cover’ to support the production of guided weapons in Australia, but so far that hasn’t translated into a more focused public policy describing how it will be done.

More details on the government’s guided weapons enterprise will no doubt be forthcoming, but one policy gap should be remediated as soon as possible: despite the key role a flow of guided weapons plays in modern war fighting, domestic manufacture of guided weapons isn’t one of 10 sovereign industrial capability priorities (SICPs), even the munitions and small arms SICP (Figure 9).41 That SICP states that ‘Australian industry must be able to manufacture propellants, munitions, ammunition and small arms.’ Those aren’t the kinds of guided weapons we’ve been discussing, and they’re far from the new kinds of longer range strike weapons required by the government’s 2020 DSU.42

Figure 9: The then Minister for Defence Industry, Christopher Pyne, launching the Defence Industrial Capability Plan at ASPI in April 2018; the plan’s 10 SICPs didn’t include guided weapons—a policy omission that should be rectified



Source: Defence image library, online.

Defence has been progressively releasing industry and implementation plans for the 10 SICPs. These are detailed, robust pieces of work that state what industry capabilities are required, set timelines to achieve them, and provide measures to realise those goals. An implementation plan for guided weapons could mobilise and direct tens of billions of dollars to grow Australia’s advanced manufacturing capacity as well as to deliver essential military capability.

During the development of this report, Defence informed ASPI that it’s ‘reassessing the Sovereign Industrial Capability Priorities and considering additional Priorities with regard to capabilities identified in the 2020 FSP, including guided weapons’.43 That would be a good thing.

THE NEED FOR AN ENTERPRISE-LEVEL APPROACH TO GUIDED WEAPONS

Good outcomes won’t happen by themselves

The government has announced that it will establish a guided weapons enterprise. It’s not yet clear what that will look like, but it does need to be fundamentally different from what has come before in Defence’s approach to guided weapons.

Despite the unprecedented scale of the government’s planned investment in guided weapons, Australia’s substantial industrial capability in guided weapons and adjacent sectors, and the willingness of overseas partners to develop and build missiles and components here, the prospects for an Australian guided weapons industry are dim if Defence continues to do business the way it has. To fully realise the opportunities that the government’s investment plan and its defence industry policy present, Defence needs to adopt an enterprise approach to guided weapons.

Let’s use a fictional case study to illustrate this. As the threat posed by unidentified flying objects (UFOs) rises dramatically, the ADF’s platforms will require anti-UFO missiles. As an outcome of its force design process, Defence has programmed several new projects across the 2020s and 2030s to acquire anti-UFO capabilities for the ADF. That includes weapons for fast jets, maritime patrol aircraft, the Loyal Wingman UAV, large surface combatants, an enhanced, up-gunned offshore patrol vessel fleet, and short- and medium-range ground-based UFO defences. Since so many different kinds of platforms across the ADF will require anti-UFO missiles, Defence could eventually acquire several thousand weapons.

Despite the economies of scale that demand generates and the strategic need for the weapons, Defence’s traditional process won’t necessarily lead to domestic manufacture and greater sovereign military and industrial capability. Generally, weapons have been selected by platform projects to suit their own requirements, schedules, risk appetites and budgets. Commonality across the services has generally not been a consideration, in large part because the services have sought to deliver different effects and faced different threats.44 Moreover, Defence is loath to make decisions about weapons in advance of acquiring the platforms that the weapons are to be integrated into.

There are several reasons for this. One is that Defence has historically liked to conduct competitions for individual weapons in the belief that such competitions preserve its commercial leverage. Another is that weapons are generally seen as secondary to the platform itself; getting the decision right on the platform is the higher priority, and it’s assumed that weapons will fall into place once that’s done. And, finally, there’s a view that Defence will be able to find what it needs whenever it goes to the market.

While there’s some validity to each of those arguments, overall they’re inconsistent with the government’s defence industry policy, the importance of guided weapons in modern warfare and the inability of the international weapons market to respond rapidly in times of crisis.45 That approach exposes us to the risks that were so brutally realised at the onset of the Covid-19 crisis.

In our hypothetical example, an established missile producer might have a suitable anti-UFO weapon for maritime platforms. With sufficient R&D investment, that weapon also has the potential for land and air launch. It could also be developed into a family of weapons for short- and long-range uses. Australian industry could not only be involved in the assembly of the missiles and the production of their components, but also in the R&D effort to develop them for multiple platforms and to evolve their performance over time.

However, establishing a production facility and R&D partnerships with Australian companies and universities takes time and money. The potential manufacturer needs an early commitment that it can invest in developing those facilities and relationships. If it doesn’t get that signal, it won’t invest, even though those start-up costs could be a relatively small part of the overall acquisition cost. Without that early investment, a locally produced weapon won’t be ready when the platform is. Consequently, it will be tempting for a platform project to simply buy off the shelf from overseas, particularly if the project itself is responsible for absorbing the cost and risk of establishing domestic production.

This process will be repeated by subsequent projects, with the result that:

  • each platform will acquire a different missile
  • each missile type will be bought off the shelf overseas
  • Australian industry won’t develop the capability to design and manufacture missiles and their components
  • FIC overheads, such as sustainment pipelines, will multiply
  • in the event of a UFO invasion of Australia, we’ll be dependent on the supply of anti-UFO missiles from allies who are likely to also be combating a UFO invasion.

Precedents for enterprise-level approaches

An alternative strategy would be to adopt a more strategic enterprise-level approach. Defence has several successful precedents for enterprise approaches to industry capability. For example, in October 2017, the government announced that all RAN vessels would use Saab’s combat management system where Aegis was not required. The announcement highlighted the weaknesses of previous, disjointed approaches:

In the past, Defence has taken the tendered combat management systems individually, which has meant that the Navy has operated numerous systems at the same time. This has not allowed defence industry to strategically invest for the long-term and has also increased the cost of training, maintenance and repair.46

If the ‘in the past’ approach sounds like the hypothetical case study above, that’s because it’s often been the reality of Defence’s acquisition philosophy. In contrast, the new, enterprise-level approach ‘guarantees the development of a long-term sustainable Australian Combat Management System industry, which is integral to the implementation of the Government’s Naval Shipbuilding Plan’.

Similarly, the government’s decision that the Hunter-class future frigate would use the weapons already in service with the RAN provides certainty about the natures of weapons that will be acquired and used. The choice of CEA Technologies’ phased-array radar on the Hunter class is another enterprise-level approach. This has been supported by R&D agreements between CEA and Defence Science and Technology as well as a $90 million loan agreement awarded under the Defence Export Facility to finance a new manufacturing facility to supply both export and ADF demand.47

The Navy’s approach to guided weapons has also adopted elements of an enterprise approach. After the success of the ESSM Block 1 program, it entered into the Block 2 program without conducting a competition, even though there were other, mature short-range air-defence missiles on the market such as Sea Ceptor, which other Western navies had selected. That, however, hasn’t led to local production.

In fact, the government’s Naval Shipbuilding Program is itself described as an enterprise. There, the government has made decisions that represent in-principle commitments that will last for decades and will govern the kinds of ships that will be produced, the designs that will be used, the number of ships and the rate of production. While many key details will only be worked out and agreed over time, the enterprise approach provides Defence’s industry partners with confidence to invest, train, recruit and build.

A guided weapons enterprise

Due to the scale of investment in guided weapons, involving potentially tens of billions being spent in Australia, an enterprise-level approach similar to that used in shipbuilding is warranted. The Australian Government has announced it will adopt an enterprise approach to guided weapons but given few details of what that will look like. Elements of that approach could include the following:

  • Appoint an SES Band 2 public servant or a two-star ADF officer to coordinate the selection of guided weapons, including developing recommendations about which ones should be produced locally, to ensure that all factors are considered, not just individual project or service priorities (the Australian Government’s recent announcement has made a start in this direction by nominating Defence’s Chief of Joint Capabilities as the capability manager for the guided weapons enterprise).
  • Manage the missile matrix to identify weapons or families of weapons that can be used on multiple platforms to reduce the proliferation of new types of weapon.
  • Actively seek co-production partnerships with existing weapon suppliers to the ADF to produce high-priority weapons in country.
  • Set ambitious targets to commence local production within two years in order to meet the urgency of our strategic environment.
  • Support guided weapons precincts, located to take advantage of synergies with existing industry capability and missile-adjacent capability to create hotspots for innovation.
  • Organise loans to establish production facilities.
  • Establish a guided weapons ‘college’ modelled on the Naval Shipbuilding College.48 It would begin as a virtual college that analyses workforce demand, identifies skills gaps, assesses current educational offerings and gaps, develops solutions with partners in the training and education sector to fill those gaps, and matches workers with employers.
  • Increase and prioritise R&D funding for guided weapons technologies through Defence’s two innovation funds: the Next Generation Technologies Fund and the Innovation Hub.49

Backing winners

Whatever criteria Defence uses for selecting guided weapons, it will consciously need to reduce as far as possible the number of different types of weapons it uses. This will generate many benefits: economies of scale in production; reduced duplication in sustainment systems and logistics trains; reduced duplication of test and evaluation requirements; the ability to share weapons across platforms; the ability to share tactics, techniques and procedures across platforms; and so on. The bottom line is that discipline in weapons selection will mean Defence can acquire more weapons of fewer types.

But to achieve those benefits Defence must take a top-down, programmatic approach to the selection of weapons in which the broader business case is weighed up. That may require picking winners in advance and declaring that, if we already have a weapon in our inventory that’s good at prosecuting particular categories of target, all platforms will have to use it.

Defence has already taken steps in that direction, for example by choosing a solution to the Army’s short-range air-defence requirement that uses missiles already in the Air Force’s inventory, but this needs to be applied rigorously as a guiding principle.

Embarking on this course will be uncomfortable for some in Defence (not to mention the Treasury and the Department of Finance) because it involves picking winners up front, rather than competing every weapon on every platform, which could present commercial risks. But, in the light of the enterprise-level benefits it will deliver, backing proven winners up front makes sense.

What’s the role of the strategic industry partner?

One detail that the government has released about its guided weapons enterprise is that it will ‘select an experienced strategic industry partner to build a sovereign capability to manufacture a suite of precision weapons that will meet Australia’s growing needs and provide export opportunities as a second source of supply’. The government further noted that ‘we will work closely with the United States on this important initiative to ensure that we understand how our enterprise can best support both Australia’s needs and the growing needs of our most important military partner.’50

Working with a strategic industry partner is consistent with the recommendations of the First Principles Review of Defence, which were accepted by the government and which Defence has implemented. What can we deduce from that about the role of the partner in the guided weapons enterprise? First, it appears that the partner will produce weapons used by both Australia and the US. That’s pretty reasonable—most of the guided weapons used by Australia are designed and manufactured in the US and used by the US armed forces.

But is the role of the strategic partner to coordinate the production of other companies’ weapons here in Australia? Or is the government planning to build only that partner’s weapons here? Both approaches raise potential concerns.

If it’s the former, it’s not necessarily the case that another company would let the strategic partner produce its missiles here under licence. Missile companies are very protective of their intellectual property. That other company might produce its weapons in Australia only if it could do so itself, so that approach runs the risk of artificially limiting the weapons Australia could produce.

If the role operates under the latter concept (that is, the ‘suite’ of weapons that the government will build here would consist only of its strategic partner’s weapons), then that too will run the (almost inevitable) risk of limiting the weapons Australia could produce. In fact, the only company with a portfolio of weapons that comes close to meeting the ADF’s requirements is Raytheon Missile Systems.51 But producing only Raytheon’s weapons means that some weapons that the ADF currently has or is acquiring wouldn’t be produced here.52

As this study has argued, long-term partnerships with industry are essential to a successful enterprise-level approach, but the government should avoid approaches that exclude the possibility of local production of some high-priority weapons. Such approaches would undermine the ability of the guided weapons enterprise to reduce supply-chain risks.

Recommendation 1

The Department of Defence should adopt an enterprise-level approach to guided weapons that:

  • considers all relevant capability and industry factors in the selection of weapons
  • minimises as far as possible the number of new weapon types
  • seeks to maximise economies of scale
  • identifies weapon types that should be manufactured in Australia
  • makes guided weapons a sovereign industrial capability priority
  • supports industry to establish local weapon production
  • does not limit local production to one company’s offerings.

WHICH WINNERS SHOULD WE PICK?

The selection of weapons should be driven by an enterprise-level approach to guided weapons regardless of where they’re made, but that approach also needs to present recommendations to the government on which weapons we need to build in Australia. As with all elements of defence spending, prioritisation is essential. We can’t do everything here and shouldn’t try, but Defence can determine what its highest priorities for domestic manufacture are.

So, which weapons should we build in Australia? There will certainly be a wide range of views on this. Here are some selection criteria to consider and an indicative, initial portfolio of weapons.

Seek economies of scale

Cottage production of boutique numbers of weapons is likely to come with large cost overheads. It will be more sustainable and economically viable to produce domestically where we can achieve economies of scale. As I’ve discussed, this can be supported by an enterprise-level approach to managing the missile matrix, in particular by selecting weapons that will be used by multiple platforms and families of weapons with significant commonalities.

Scale will also be achieved by producing the kinds of weapons that are likely to be used in large numbers in any future conflict. It’s hard to predict how many weapons will be used in such a conflict (that’s the key risk that we’re seeking to mitigate through domestic production). History isn’t necessarily the best way to assess this, since recent conflicts have involved adversaries without capable air defence systems. Western militaries have been able to use low-cost, direct-attack munitions; they haven’t been forced to stand off and use more expensive weapons from long ranges. It’s likely that larger numbers of the latter category will be required in conflicts with near-peer adversaries.

Nevertheless, low-cost—but still precise—weapons are likely to be used in any conflict because they can be used against a wide range of targets and adversaries using a wide range of platforms. Bolt-on kits such as the Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM; Figure 10) that affordably transform ‘dumb’ bombs into precision munitions fall into this category, as does the GBU-39 small diameter bomb.

That also appears to be Defence’s view, as indicated by the RAAF’s recent purchases, which suggest that it still assesses that it will continue to use large numbers of lower cost munitions. For example, in 2016, the US Defence Security Cooperation Agency notified Congress that Australia sought to acquire up to 2,950 small diameter bombs at a total cost of US$386 million.53 That was followed in 2017 by the acquisition of up to 3,900 small diameter bombs at a total cost of $815 million.54

Figure 10: An RAAF armament technician with the Air Task Unit Strike Element loads a 500-lb JDAM bomb at Australia’s main operating air base in the Middle East in 2016



Source: Defence image library, online.

Start with lower risk weapons

The government’s 2020 DSU clearly articulates that we can no longer rely on lengthy warning times for future conflicts. Therefore, it’s important that domestic manufacture produces capability quickly. It’s likely that Australia will have to take a staged approach, starting with weapons that can be produced with lower risk. That would include:

  • weapons that are mature and the production of which can be quickly established here under licence
  • weapons that are relatively simple
  • weapons for which Australia already participates in co-development programs and manufactures components
  • weapons that are already integrated into ADF platforms.

Those weapons would involve working with an overseas partner with established products, but starting with lower risk weapons will help Australia develop industrial capability that can be used later to develop and produce indigenous weapons.

Seek greater sovereignty within the alliance

Australian production of US weapons offers value to our alliance partner while providing greater sovereign capability to Australia. There’s strategic benefit to the US in having Australia as a capable, reliable source of advanced weapons in times of crisis and conflict. A single US-based production line poses risks to all customers, including the US; a second production line in Australia would increase capacity and redundancy. From the limited information available, it appears that the intent of the government guided weapons enterprise is to establish a second production line to meet both Australia’s and the US’s supply requirements.

The establishment of local production of US weapons is facilitated by US legislation that considers Australia to be part of the US national technology and industrial base (NTIB). It’s true that Australia’s inclusion in the NTIB hasn’t yet realised the full potential either for Australia or the US that’s inherent in the concept. Adherence to US International Traffic in Arms Regulations has acted as a form of inertia, hindering the greater industrial cooperation sought by the NTIB legislation.55 That inertia has also been reinforced by members of Congress, who are anxious to avoid the appearance of American jobs going overseas. Overcoming that is likely to need political engagement at the highest level, but there are benefits for both the US and Australia, and greater practical cooperation is entirely consistent with the reinvigoration of US alliances that we’re seeing under the Biden administration.

Make some big bets

We shouldn’t just take the safe path. We’ve seen that Australia has a long history of technological innovation, including developing revolutionary and world-leading defence capability. Australia should continue to place some big bets on emergent technologies that will have a disproportionate impact on war fighting. A big bet might not necessarily involve a lot of money, but rather a lot of imagination and faith in what Australian industry can achieve when working with the right international partners. That approach looks like it could pay off in the case of the Airpower Teaming System. Defence should be looking for similar possibilities with guided weapons.

Given the gap between where the ADF is now and where it needs to be, there’s a need for rapid innovation. Hypersonic weapons are certainly one bet that the government is pursuing, but it needs to ensure that success involves local production. Another is in antisubmarine warfare (ASW). In the light of the glaring risk of both of the Navy’s main ASW platforms (the Collins-class submarine and the Anzac-class frigate) ageing out or becoming obsolete before they’re replaced, Defence needs to get more ASW capability to sea quickly. Options include the development of an ASW weapon launched from ships’ vertical launch system cells (a son of the Ikara) or even an unmanned loitering UAV delivering the Mk-54 torpedo responsively and at range.

A potential portfolio

Applying the principles listed in this report produces a portfolio of local weapons that looks something like the following:

  • Spike LR2 missiles. The Spike LR2 has already been selected by the government for mounted and dismounted use, and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems has offered to build it in Australia. What’s needed in the short term is a contract giving Rafael the certainty to invest in establishing local production. Mandating that it also be used on other ADF platforms, such as helicopters, UAVs and potential future small autonomous land and maritime platforms, would boost economies of scale, as would the selection of other variants of the Spike family of missiles for longer range applications.
  • A family of tactical loitering drones. One example would be Defendtex’s Drone 40. It’s indigenously developed, well advanced and likely to be buoyed by export opportunities.
  • Air-delivered laser-guided bombs or JDAM class weapons. Kits that can turn iron bombs into precision weapons are likely to be used extensively across the spectrum of combat operations. They’ll be employed by current manned aircraft as well as future unmanned systems and are relatively simple to produce. Defence has a good understanding of the technology, having used such weapons extensively in Middle East operations. Moreover, Defence Science and Technology and its industry partners have been involved in the development and production of an extended-range variant of the JDAM.
  • Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile. The ESSM is a higher value weapon, costing around $2.4 million, but in a high-end conflict it’s also likely to be required in high volume. Australia is likely to require well over 500 missiles to fit out a surface combatant fleet based on the air warfare destroyers and the Hunter class. In a protracted conflict against a peer or near-peer adversary, the RAN will consume even larger numbers in protecting its surface combatants and their crews. Those numbers generate economies of scale. Furthermore, Australian industry has been deeply involved in the development and manufacture of key components of the weapon.
  • Hypersonics. In contrast to the other weapons in this portfolio, hypersonic weapons are not mature and would be a big bet. However, Australia has already acknowledged the key role hypersonics will play in future conflict and entered into a cooperative agreement with the US to develop deployable hypersonic weapons (Figure 11). Due to their likely significance and consumption rate in future war fighting, we should also seek to manufacture them here. The business case to do that would be bolstered if we develop and manufacture a weapon or family of weapons that could be used across multiple platforms to prosecute a range of targets.

Figure 11: Test launch of a hypersonic missile at Woomera test range, May 2016



Source: Defence image library, online.

This portfolio (or one developed using the same criteria) would provide a balanced, low-risk path to guided weapons production, but it would not be the final step. There are other potential paths that Australia could explore, whether they involve the co-production of existing complex weapons under licence (such as the LRASM, SM-2, SM-6 or long-range ground-based missiles and rockets) or the indigenous development of new weapons. However, the successful establishment of an initial portfolio would help to build the local industrial capability necessary for those following steps.

If the government’s strategic industry partner is going to manufacture only its own weapons here, then a portfolio such as this is incompatible with that concept. The government should ensure that the role it envisages for its partner doesn’t limit the range of weapons it can produce here.

Don’t wait for perfection

The key is to start soon. It’s important to develop a SICP implementation plan for guided weapons, but we shouldn’t wait until the perfect plan has been developed. Indeed, we don’t need to. There are mature weapons for which the ADF has an identified requirement, and we don’t need to build shipyards costing half a billion dollars before we can start.

Recommendation 2

Defence should seek the government’s agreement to an initial portfolio of guided weapons that will be manufactured in Australia.

Production of these weapons should commence as soon as possible.

An indicative initial portfolio of high-priority weapons for local production would include:

  • Spike LR2 missiles
  • a family of tactical loitering drones
  • air-delivered laser-guided bombs, JDAM-class weapons, or both
  • the Evolved Sea Sparrow Missiles
  • hypersonics.

APPENDIX 1: PREVIOUS AND CURRENT ADF GUIDED WEAPONS ACQUISITIONS

Previous and current ADF guided weapons acquisitions

Sources for all previous and current ADF guided weapons acquisitions can be found in Table 1 of the accompanying report

APPENDIX 2: THE MISSILE MATRIX

The Missile Matrix can be found in Appendix 2 of the accompanying report


Important disclaimer This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in relation to the subject matter covered. It is provided with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering any form of professional or other advice or services. No person should rely on the contents of this publication without first obtaining advice from a qualified professional.

Cover image: HMAS Ballarat conducts an Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile firing at sea, as part of the Anzac class frigate’s sea qualification trials. Source: Defence image library, online.

Banner video: © Commonwealth of Australia. Department of Defence.

© The Australian Strategic Policy Institute Limited 2021

This publication is subject to copyright. Except as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of it may in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, microcopying, photocopying, recording or otherwise) be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted without prior written permission. Enquiries should be addressed to the publishers. Notwithstanding the above, educational institutions (including schools, independent colleges, universities and TAFEs) are granted permission to make copies of copyrighted works strictly for educational purposes without explicit permission from ASPI and free of charge.

First published April 2021

Published in Australia by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute

No specific sponsorship was received to fund production of this report.

Gamechanger: Australian leadership for all-season air access to Antarctica

Next year, the Australian Government will decide on whether to commit funding for a proposed year-round, paved aerodrome near the Australian Davis research station in East Antarctica. An all-weather, year-round, paved runway near Davis would have huge positive impacts on Antarctic science and logistics in East Antarctica, where there are no equivalent facilities. It would be the only paved runway in Antarctica.

As with any major piece of infrastructure development, there’ll be inevitable environmental impacts from the construction and operation of the Davis aerodrome. However, we believe that with care, it should be possible to design, construct and operate a facility that satisfies both operational requirements and environmental obligations under the Madrid Protocol and relevant Australian legislation.

If Australia doesn’t proceed with the aerodrome, another country may step into our shoes and take a similar proposal forward. It might be a country with lower standards of environmental assessment and a lesser track record of environmental protection in Antarctica. The Davis aerodrome project requires long-term funding and political commitment.

Failing to proceed with the proposal would weaken our influence in Antarctica: it would allow other states to take advantage of the opportunity for logistical and scientific leadership in East Antarctica. The proposed Davis aerodrome will increase Australia’s strategic weight in Antarctica, where we claim 42% of the continent.

The impact of quantum technologies on secure communications

This ASPI report examines the impact of quantum technologies on secure communications. It provides an overview of the key technologies and the status of the field in Australia and internationally (including escalating recent developments in both the US and China), and captures counterpart US, UK and Canadian reports and recommendations to those nations’ defence departments that have recently been released publicly.

The report is structured into six sections: an introduction that provides a stand-alone overview and sets out both the threat and the opportunity of quantum technologies for communications security, and more detailed sections that span quantum computing, quantum encryption, the quantum internet, and post-quantum cryptography. The last section of the report makes five substantive recommendations in the Australian context that are implementable and in the national interest.

A key message on quantum technologies relates to urgency. Escalating international progress is opening a widening gap in relation to Australia’s status in this field. It is critical that, in addition to its own initiatives, the Defence Department transitions from a largely watching brief on progress across the university sector and start-up companies to a leadership role—to coordinate, resource and harness the full potential of a most capable Australian quantum technologies community to support Defence’s objectives.

Island voices and Covid-19: Vulnerability and resilience Views from The Strategist

This Strategic Insights report is being published as part of an ASPI project that focuses on the vulnerabilities of Indo-Pacific island states in the Covid-19 era. It presents a series of views on ways that insiders and external observers have viewed the vulnerabilities and resilience of island countries in the Pacific and Indian Oceans in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic.

All of these contributions have appeared as posts on The Strategist. They don’t try to offer a sequential account of events or perceptions but represent a collection of responses to the crisis. The authors were not asked to address a single issue but, rather, were encouraged to focus on issues of relevance to them. The result is a mosaic rather than a portrait of nearly a year of living with the tensions posed by the pandemic. Two key themes do tend to dominate this mosaic. One concerns the way vulnerabilities are expressed as challenges. The second identifies the opportunities that resilience can create.

The rapidly emerging crisis on our doorstep

This Strategic Insight report warns that within a decade, as the climate continues to warm, the relatively benign strategic environment in Maritime Southeast Asia – a region of crucial importance to Australia – will begin unravelling. Dr Robert Glasser, Head of ASPI’s new Climate and Security Policy Centre, documents the region’s globally unique exposure to climate hazards, and the increasingly significant cascading societal impacts they will trigger.

Dr Glasser notes that hundreds of millions of people living in low-lying coastal areas will not only experience more severe extremes, but also more frequent swings from extreme heat and drought to severe floods. The diminishing time for recovery in between these events will have major consequences for food security, population displacements and resilience.

According to Dr Glasser, ‘Any one of the numerous increasing risks identified in the report would be serious cause for concern for Australian policymakers, but the combination of them, emerging effectively simultaneously, suggests that we’re on the cusp of an overlooked, unprecedented and rapidly advancing regional crisis.’

The report presents several policy recommendations for Australia, including the need to greatly expand the Government’s capacity to understand and identify the most likely paths through which disruptive climate events (individually, concurrently, or consecutively) can cause cascading, security-relevant impacts, such as disruptions of critical supply chains, galvanized separatist movements, climate refugees, opportunistic intervention by outside powers, political instability, and conflict.

Dr Glasser also proposes that Australia should identify priority investments to scale-up the capability within Defence, Foreign Affairs, the intelligence agencies, Home Affairs and other key agencies to recognise and respond to emerging regional climate impacts, including by supporting our regional neighbours to build their climate resilience.

Next step in the step up: The ADF’s role in building health security in Pacific Island states

The ADF has long had an important role in providing humanitarian assistance to Pacific island countries (PICs). The force has extraordinary capabilities—people, expertise, training and equipment—in delivering necessary assistance quickly and efficiently.

From Australia’s perspective, the ADF is one of our most important agencies in engaging with our PIC partners, particularly in helping them to develop capabilities to address a range of security challenges. In Australia’s new strategic environment, the ADF can also play an important role in helping to build regional health security as part of a new phase in Australia’s Pacific Step-up.

This paper argues that the Australian Government should consider a new role for the ADF in the Pacific through developing mutually beneficial enduring military health partnerships.3 That would involve the regular rotation of ADF health professionals through partner medical facilities where they would have the opportunity to gain unique frontline experience from local experts, while also sharing their own knowledge and skills. The mutuality of benefits inherent in such an arrangement means that they shouldn’t be considered as traditional humanitarian assistance.

An enhanced role for the ADF in regional health security, properly structured, might ultimately come to be seen alongside the Pacific Patrol Boat Program as a successful example of mutually beneficial partnerships between the ADF and our Pacific neighbours.